With the one-year mark for Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine behind us, our gaze is set on China, which appears to be Russian President Vladimir Putin’s best hope for revitalising his bid to tame Ukraine. Chinese diplomats assert that the interests of “all sides” must be considered in bringing the war to an end but they have so far left Kyiv off their travel itineraries. Beijing’s 12-point peace proposal includes a call for a ceasefire, which many see as a way for Russia to hold Ukrainian territory that it already has – an outcome that would be similar to Japan’s hold on part of Shandong province after World War I. Seen from one perspective, China leaning towards the Kremlin is rank hypocrisy given that Beijing has chanted the gospel of sovereignty and territorial integrity as fervently as American Republicans resort to thoughts and prayers after a mass shooting. But it’s just desserts if you think the country is entitled to a smidgen of retribution against the West for the century of humiliation – including territorial concessions – that forms the core of modern China’s historical narrative . Few in the West are aware of these indignities, and for many of those who do know something of the history, it’s seen more in the context of a great power struggle that played out in the mists of time. But most mainland Chinese are convinced, rightly or wrongly, that carving up and profiting from China’s key port cities helped to give the West an economic and military advantage that the country is still making up for; reason enough for Beijing’s hard-nosed foreign policy. Seen through this lens, it’s easier to understand why Beijing sticks with Moscow despite the obvious flaws in its position . However, what Putin is doing in Ukraine is not a symmetrical response to Kyiv’s desire to join Nato. The West’s supply of arms to Ukraine to repel the invasion is not the same as supplying Russia with arms that kill civilians and destroy civilian infrastructure, as Iran is reportedly doing and as Beijing is suspected by the US State Department to be considering. And the mounting sanctions against Russia would never have happened if Putin hadn’t started his crusade. Putin can rest assured that China will not back any plan that would remove Russian troops from Ukraine, and if he manages to hold out for another year or so, he might be able to count on disarray on the Western front. While the majority of US Republicans are still supportive of, or at least not openly against, Western unity, we can’t ignore the fact that Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who is expected to run for the White House next year, appears to be fighting the same war as Putin on a different front. DeSantis has taken the lead in delegitimising LGBTQ+ rights through the “Don’t Say gay” Law that restricts teachers’ ability to discuss the subject with young children and, more recently, a push to weaken state laws that have protected journalists against defamation suits. These are just some of the positions of DeSantis and other Republicans have dug in on that show the degree to which they have aligned with Moscow and Beijing. They are fighting the same war against the acceptance of diversity and the rejection of a conservative patriarchy calling the shots. But China and Iran’s cooperation with Moscow will make it increasingly difficult for the Republican Party’s right flank – which includes some of the most strident critics of both countries – to undermine Western unity in the face of Russian aggression. What happens if the Biden administration’s conclusion that Beijing is considering providing lethal support to Russia’s military is correct? And what happens if Beijing follows through? There’s a reason that DeSantis and many other culture warriors in his party won’t openly condemn Putin. Will they be able to keep this posture if they’re fighting against the West alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping? Robert Delaney is the Post’s North America bureau chief