With Biden looking to improve US-China relations, Beijing can ensure meetings are more than a masquerade

Biden seems keen to show he wants warmer US-China ties, without actually holding out much hope for it. For Beijing, this is a chance to foster meaningful connections

Chen Gong

Published: 8:15am, 22 May 2023

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There is no simple, direct answer to the current state of US-China relations, which are determined by a complexity of circumstances and conflicting realities. Earlier this month, US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met China’s top diplomat Wang Yi in Vienna, Austria, for two days of talks, and both sides released statements that carried intriguing subtleties.

The White House referred to “candid, substantive and constructive discussions” on bilateral, global and regional security issues, the Ukraine war and Taiwan, emphasising that the meeting was part of “efforts to maintain open lines of communication and responsibly manage competition”.

It talked about maintaining “this important strategic channel of communication” and “building on the engagement between President [Joe] Biden and President Xi [Jinping] in Bali” last November, giving the impression that Biden’s China policy was proceeding smoothly.

But things appear to be quite different on the Chinese side. The official Xinhua news agency and much of the obviously officially approved social media have published numerous, even repetitive, comments that sound more like declarations of victory.

While Xinhua also used “candid” and “substantive” to describe the Vienna meeting when it came to discussions on bilateral ties, it also reported that Wang had “fully expounded China’s solemn position” on Taiwan. Other official and semi-official social media outlets went further, suggesting that Wang had rebuked the US for its attitude and actions, and that the Chinese side had demanded specific improvements from the US.

The US side also reportedly asked about rearranging Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s postponed visit to China and may have requested another Xi-Biden summit. Any such requests appear to have been either rejected by China, or at least set aside with no immediate agreement.

Wang Yi, China’s top diplomat, meets US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan in Vienna, Austria, on May 10. Photo: Xinhua

It would appear that practically the only consensus to emerge after the Vienna talks is for both China and the United States to maintain open lines of communication – in other words, that both sides can continue to talk.

The meeting between Sullivan and Wang was the highest face-to-face meeting between the two countries since the US shooting down of an alleged Chinese spy balloon. The incident worsened US-China relations and Blinken postponed his visit to China in the wake of the political turbulence. He has been seeking to reschedule it with Beijing since – a man in a hurry to complete a mission, it would seem.

It is worth noting that in addition to Blinken’s potential visit to China, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen also hopes to make her way to Beijing soon. Meanwhile, China’s Minister of Commerce Wang Wentao is expected to visit Washington shortly to meet his American counterpart Gina Raimondo.

What is the purpose of this series of attempts to promote high-level interaction between the two countries? Neither side appears to wish to discuss the answer. In fact, it looks like they are trying their best to avoid the topic altogether.

The Chinese media’s coverage of the latest meeting in Vienna appears to follow a common narrative – that the Chinese side has rebuked the US side.

This tough tone has been in evidence since the Alaska meeting in 2021 – when Wang, then China’s foreign minister, along with then top diplomat Yang Jiechi, publicly rebuked Sullivan, who was accompanied by Blinken – and the scope of the “rebukes” includes almost all issues. In contrast, American news reports covering the latest Wang-Sullivan meeting appear to have hardly noticed the sharp criticism, concentrating instead on the “achievement” that both sides have agreed to continue communication.

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Biden, for his part, seems to have a growing desire to improve relations with China – and has set Blinken and Sullivan to the task. Interestingly, Wendy Sherman, the US deputy secretary of state who had been instrumental in the Biden administration’s increasingly aggressive China policy, is expected to leave her post this year.

For Sullivan and Blinken, the task of warming US relations with China is anything but easy, especially judging from the Chinese rebukes they received in Alaska and now, Vienna. Blinken’s decision to postpone his visit to China amid Chinese spying allegations angered Beijing, and his repeatedly expressed wish to resume the visit has not yet received an encouraging response.

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It is looking increasingly as if both China and the US are engaged in a charade with no real purpose or relevance to their goals, even if each side clearly hopes to advance its own agenda. In this, Biden’s role has been to project a sincere effort to improve relations with China, though he also seems to be aware of the limited impact of his efforts and does not appear to harbour high hopes.

Still, he looks determined to show he is doing everything possible to achieve his mission, even as he appears to understand that the outcome depends entirely on China.

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The US has long labelled China a “rival” but Biden may yet hope for a more moderate stance by revising China’s classification to “major competitor”. Meanwhile, in its diplomacy with the US, China has assumed the role of the rebuking side.

The state of the relationship can be aptly described as superficial, a masquerade in which both parties are hiding their true faces. What is undeniable is Biden has displayed an intention to improve US relations with China. It is crucial for Beijing to seize this opportunity during Biden’s tenure to foster meaningful connections. Failing to do so will result in a bleaker future for US-China relations.

Chen Gong is founder of the Anbound think tank