Hong Kong repeats its mistake with yet another hard sell on patriotic education

The government’s latest framework for patriotic education focusing on Chinese culture and history does not address issues that hampered previous efforts in this area
The basis of people’s identity complex rests on their mixed feelings towards mainlanders and anxiety over the national security law

April Zhang

Published: 9:30am, 1 Nov 2023

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Early in his three-hours-plus policy address last Wednesday, Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu laid out his plan for the city’s patriotic education, which requires coordinated efforts by many sectors.

A working group will be set up to coordinate the work of government departments and non-governmental organisations in promoting national education, and improving education on China’s history, culture and current affairs.

The Leisure and Cultural Services Department will set up an office to implement programmes to promote Chinese culture and history, including a Chinese Culture Festival.

A museum will be established to showcase China’s development and achievements, covering areas such as history, politics, economy and culture.

The Hong Kong Museum of Coastal Defence will be converted to focus on the history of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression to cultivate a stronger sense of national esteem and patriotism.

In addition, while Lee did not spell it out in his speech, the Education Bureau plans to replace general studies in primary schools with two subjects, humanities and science, with the former focusing on Chinese geography, history and culture so as to boost students’ awareness of national identity.

A girl visits the Hong Kong Museum of Coastal Defence in the Shau Kei Wan district on October 25. As part of the plans to boost patriotic education in Hong Kong, the museum will place stronger emphasis on the history of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Photo: May Tse

All these efforts are meant to deepen Hongkongers’ appreciation of traditional Chinese culture and sense of national identity, to lay a strong foundation for national unity and solidarity.

No one can deny that this is a detailed and comprehensive framework. However, although upbeat words such as “promote”, “showcase”, “cultivate” and “enhance” were frequently used in outlining the plans, the framework failed to address some fundamental issues that hampered the government’s previous efforts in this area.

In the 2010 policy address, then chief executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen mentioned a plan to introduce moral and national education as a subject in schools to strengthen national identity. In 2012, the Leung Chun-ying government was forced to back down from the plan after protests by pressure groups who considered the subject brainwashing.

Today, most of those groups have been dissolved. There will be little, if any, overt resistance to the implementation of patriotic education. But it doesn’t mean the government won’t encounter any passive resistance that could render the whole exercise meaningless, because the underlying issues have still not gone away. The policy address this year would seem to suggest the government has yet to grasp the real issue.

What many Hongkongers have trouble identifying as is not “Chinese”, but “Chinese citizens”.

Back in the 1950s to the 1970s, when vast numbers of mainlanders fled across the Shenzhen border to the city, people called themselves Chinese. This sense of identity came from blood relationships, ethnicity and culture. All these connections remain today.

Hong Kong-American pop singer Coco Lee, who passed away in July, was laid to rest in Wuhan Shimen Peak Memorial Park, Hubei province, on October 21. Photo: Handout

Just recently, Hong Kong-born pop star Coco Lee’s ashes were buried in Wuhan, in central China, in a poignant tribute to her Chinese roots. Also, traditional Chinese festivals are celebrated in the city all year round. Among them, Chung Yeung Festival has a more prominent status in Hong Kong than on the mainland.

The trouble comes when Hongkongers have to identify themselves as “Chinese citizens”, the same as their mainland counterparts, against whom they harbour a mix of a sense of superiority and resentment. They believe they are better than mainlanders in a number of ways – they have long enjoyed more freedoms and rights, such as freedom of speech and the right to protest – yet they resent how their living space has been squeezed and many shops have put mainland tourists before them. This is why some of them would rather identify as “Hongkonger” than as “Chinese”.

This urge to differentiate themselves from mainlanders comes up again and again. Of late, there has been concern that the city is in danger of becoming another mainland city, because 90 per cent of the new arrivals, via various talent schemes, are from the mainland.

What complicates the matter is the national security law, which has brought peace to the city, but also introduced anxiety. Several pressure groups were dissolved, and many people chose to emigrate due to the perceived political tightening.

The national identity complex will continue to make things difficult for the government. Without addressing this thorny issue, no real results can be achieved. Yet, with the passage of a new patriotic education law on the mainland, the Hong Kong government is under pressure to deliver too, as politician Starry Lee Wai-king indicated.

Visitors take a rest at the arrivals hall of Hong Kong’s West Kowloon high-speed rail station on September 30, during the National Day golden week break on the mainland. Photo: Jonathan Wong

If the government pushes forward, it might only create more unsettling undercurrents. Besides, this hard sell hardly counts as education. The government can’t simply lump items such as history and culture together, and hope people will become more patriotic after some lessons.

What if the government really treats patriotic education as an educational project?

The government will have to answer some tough questions, which require the government to truly understand itself, the public and the meaning of patriotic education. Questions such as: is loving the country the same as loving the Communist Party? How would the government gauge progress with patriotic education? Is it OK to make mistakes?

After all, effective teaching is a kind of negotiation for credibility and engagement, and encourages openness to new ideas.

If this approach is taken, the government will have to tone down its upbeat language and focus more on explaining. Above all, mistakes must be allowed as they are a necessary part of any learning journey.

April Zhang is the founder of MSL Master and the author of the Mandarin Express textbook series and the Chinese Reading and Writing textbook series