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Illustration: Craig Stephens
Opinion
Asma Khalid
Asma Khalid

Why Australia is wary of supporting US-led Red Sea operations

  • Indo-Pacific commitments aside, Australia is seeking to avoid yet another open-ended military commitment in the Middle East
  • Above all, Canberra is mindful that such a move could further alienate voters amid low public trust in government, declining social cohesion and increasing polarisation

In response to the recent US request for Australian support in Operation Prosperity Guardian – to combat Houthi-led attacks on shipping in the Red Sea – Canberra declined to deploy its warships or planes, citing resource constraints and the complicated Indo-Pacific strategic environment. However, it agreed to triple its troop deployment to the US-led naval force.

Canberra’s strategic shift to the Indo-Pacific began in 2020, when the Morrison government prioritised Australia’s security and regional concerns about China over support for US operations in the Middle East. Signalling bipartisan commitment, Australia’s 2023 defence strategic review also emphasised the need to strengthen defence ties with its Indo-Pacific partners, particularly in the Pacific and Southeast Asia.

To address what Canberra called China’s unprecedented “military build-up” without “transparency” in the “strategic intent”, Australia has called for a focused force and threat-based planning.

Australia, focusing on Southeast Asia as its primary military interest, aims to enhance defence cooperation with regional countries. This involves naval patrols with the Philippines in the South China Sea, upgrading its defence agreement with Indonesia and forming security pacts with Pacific nations.
By positioning itself as a middle power, Australia aims to moderate China’s regional ambitions through the concept of collective responsibility. This involves safeguarding rules, rights, freedom of navigation and respect for sovereignty in the Indo-Pacific – values that, as Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese pointed out, also underpinned “China’s extraordinary and unparalleled economic achievements”.

Australia expects the United States to understand its reluctance to deploy warships in the Red Sea, and has emphasised its Western Pacific priorities to show alignment with American interests over China.

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Another important factor is the reputational baggage of the 2003 Iraq invasion, which has contributed to Canberra’s reluctance to deploy naval warships or aircraft in this complex region.

Australia’s recently released 2003 cabinet papers reveal that the decision to join the invasion force relied on “oral reports” by then-prime minister John Howard. The released tranche lacked formal submissions, indicating a decision was made without a thorough cost-benefit analysis.

Albanese’s administration has supported investigations into past governments’ lack of transparency in making decisions on joining wars or failure to release necessary documents to the archives. Implementing such accountability could complicate decisions to participate in US-led operations.

Until recently, Australia was entangled for two decades in what was described as an “unsatisfactory adventure” alongside the US in the Middle East and Afghanistan. The outcomes of these protracted engagements were little different from the previous situation.

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Now, with Israel having reportedly killed an Iranian military adviser outside Damascus and a Hamas leader in Beirut, while Houthi militants attack commercial ships in the Red Sea, hostilities are again escalating in the Middle East.

Ultimately for Australia, the uncertain deployment timeline and scope of US-led forces in the conflict makes it difficult to commit to dispatching its warships and aircraft in a Middle East cul-de-sac again.

But Australia’s hesitancy is not solely based on geopolitical factors. Above all, Canberra’s decision is arguably influenced by Australians, among whom there is low public trust in government amid declining social cohesion and increasing polarisation.

When Albanese’s Labor Party, long supportive of the Palestinian cause, abstained from last October’s UN resolution for a Gaza ceasefire, Australia’s Muslim community was surprised, angered and disappointed.
Protesters march during a pro-Palestinian rally in Sydney’s central business district on October 21. Photo: AFP

Muslim leaders in New South Wales and Victoria have vowed electoral consequences for the ruling Labor Party, seeing it as having disregarded their sentiments on the Israeli-Palestinian issue.

For the Labor Party, the loss of the Muslim vote would be significant, but equally pressing is the need to address the decline in social cohesion and public trust in the government. The primary drivers behind this are inflation and the rising cost of living. One Australian social cohesion index has fallen to its lowest level since it began 16 years ago, with public trust in the government down to 36 per cent last year, from 56 per cent in 2020.

A Guardian survey released in November, polling 1,150 voters on Australia’s stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, revealed that 21 per cent favoured actively supporting Palestine (up eight percentage points from October), while just 17 per cent supported Israel (down 6 percentage points). Moreover, 61 per cent advocated staying out of the conflict entirely, with 63 per cent expressing concerns about the risk of hostilities between Palestinian and Israeli communities at home.
A group of pro-Palestinian protesters gather outside Sydney Town Hall on December 19. Photo: Su-Lin Tan
These domestic concerns are likely to have influenced the government’s decision to endorse a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza at the UN General Assembly last month. In explaining the Australian government’s nuanced position, Foreign Minister Penny Wong said unity within Australia was among its five priorities. The others included civilian support, de-escalation, a durable peace, and the safety of Australians abroad.

The political climate has left Canberra with limited choices regarding America’s request to deploy warships against the Houthis.

Just last October, Australia dispatched an E-7A early warning aircraft and up to 100 soldiers to Germany for six months, to reinforce Western military supply lines for Ukraine. In 2022, it sent a P-8A Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft to support Nato operations in the Mediterranean Sea.

If defence resource constraints or distractions from the western Pacific were the primary concerns, Canberra would have declined to support these allied efforts.

So, its hesitancy over the Red Sea coalition must boil down to just two main factors. One, the uncertainties over the scope, timeline and commitment of Australia’s military forces requested for deployment in the Middle East. And, two, the concern over how this participation might affect Australia’s social cohesion and public trust in the government.

Asma Khalid is an independent researcher and former visiting fellow at the Stimson Center

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