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Deteriorating finances in some of China’s poorest provinces are seen as a “grey rhino” risk, with rising concerns over a possible meltdown in the banking system. Illustration: Henry Wong

How China’s hidden debt risk ‘comes from its system’, and why local governments are beholden to Beijing

  • China’s zero-Covid policies and post-pandemic push for self-sufficiency have strained finances at local levels, pushing debt sky high this year, with little help from the central government
  • Some say Beijing is reluctant to change China’s fiscal structure because it gives leaders greater financial control over the provinces
This is the first part in a series on how Beijing’s recent policy shifts have triggered debate over the potential economic implications and risks for China, starting with the impact of rising debt at local levels of government. You can read part two here.

Struggling to scrape together enough cash, local officials from some of China’s most debt-ridden regions feel as though they’ve exhausted all options – and some have even posted about their plights online, in hopes of garnering much-needed assistance from the central government.

But such comments have been quickly removed.
Beijing is working hard to maintain stability while controlling the narrative that leadership is mitigating the fallout from mounting regional debt that threatens economic growth aspirations in China’s post-pandemic recovery.
Nonetheless, deteriorating finances across the country, particularly in its poorest provinces such as Guizhou, have raised the spectre of a looming local government debt crisis. Beijing sees the potential for a meltdown in China’s predominantly state-owned banking system as a “grey rhino” risk – big, obvious and neglected.

China to hasten infrastructure push to aid growth amid call to assess debt level

“The risk to China’s debt comes from its system,” said Mao Zhenhua, co-head of Renmin University’s Institute of Economic Research, at a seminar arranged by the university on July 12.

“We are different from some Western countries,” he explained. “We have a single administration system – a centralised system … this kind of system, in a way, deepens the reliance of local governments on central government finances.”

And when local governments fail to receive sufficient state help, basic services begin falling by the wayside.

In June, a government-owned transport company in Baoding, Hebei province, told residents that it had run out of funds to keep its buses operating at usual hours, so some routes were cancelled. A similar situation unfolded in February in Shangqiu, Henan province, affecting millions of commuters.
Meanwhile, fears continue to mount over possible defaults in the listed market by local government financing vehicles (LGFVs), hybrid entities that are both public and corporate and were created to skirt restrictions on local government borrowing and have proliferated since the global financial crisis in 2008.

Will more of China’s distressed state firms seek long-term debt restructuring?

Hu Hengsong, deputy general manager of Caida Securities, estimated that Chinese banks had roughly 30 to 40 per cent of their assets invested in LGFV bonds.

“I don’t think [bankruptcy] is a viable option for China’s financial sector,” Hu said at the same seminar. “Chinese banks will also have to go bankrupt … the implicit guarantee must be held.”

In May 2019, financial regulators seized control of Baoshang Bank because of severe credit risks, marking China’s first bank failure in more than 20 years.

The nation’s property market crisis has exacerbated the financial problems of many LGFVs, which rely on land sales for the bulk of their revenue.

In 2017, President Xi Jinping declared that “housing is for living in, not for speculation”, and for six years the principle underpinned policy that sought to break the vicious cycle of property speculation and unbridled credit expansion.

Are China’s houses for speculating? Beijing lets real estate off leash

But in the past few years, that policy has taken a heavy toll.

Regional governments’ coffers took a big hit after coughing up millions to mitigate the impact of the coronavirus during the pandemic. Investment from the private sector also plummeted during China’s draconian lockdowns.
The lifting of Beijing’s zero-Covid policy late last year was widely expected to shore up economic growth, but six months into this year, China’s main growth engine – exports – recorded their biggest decline in more than three years.

Local governments’ “growth models that rely on land cannot be sustained”, warned Zhang Ming, deputy director of the Institute of Finance at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), also at the seminar.

LGFVs were actually a cornerstone of Chinese development over the last few decades. In the mid-1990s the central government implemented budget laws to stop local authorities from accumulating large piles of debt. In response, regional governments crafted LGFVs as a workaround. There are now thousands of such vehicles in China, driving investments in bridges, roads, homes and industrial parks, and boosting the country’s gross domestic product (GDP).

02:03

China targets to boost gross domestic product by ‘around 5%’ in 2023

China targets to boost gross domestic product by ‘around 5%’ in 2023
But at the same time, tales of extravagantly wasteful spending in white-elephant projects, including “ghost cities”, have made headlines and raised eyebrows across China, in some cases enraging local residents.

Li Xunlei, chief economist and head of research at Zhongtai Securities, estimated that the aforementioned Guizhou – one of China’s poorest and most indebted provinces – had built a total of 8,331km of highways by the end of 2022. In comparison, Japan’s expressways span about 7,800km, while Guizhou’s GDP is less than one-fifteenth of Japan’s.

The International Monetary Fund estimated that the total debt amassed by China’s LGFVs had swollen to a record 66 trillion yuan (US$9.23 trillion) this year – more than doubling since 2017, when the total was 30.7 trillion yuan.

Nicholas Borst, director of China research at Seafarer Capital Partners, contends that the central government is reluctant to change the fiscal structure because it gives Beijing significant financial control over the provinces.

China’s Covid stimulus misses the mark as local finance woes grow: report

In 2015, a debt-swap programme sought to reduce the size of LGFVs debt by replacing these liabilities with more transparent and lower-interest bonds, but it proved ineffective and laid the groundwork for local debt to rapidly balloon after the three-year programme ended in 2018.

“I think Beijing is likely to muddle through the problem,” Borst said, adding that options to resolve the problem could include the central government using its own balance sheet, or possibly selling off state assets. “However, I do not currently see momentum toward a solution that would grant local governments a sustainable long-term fiscal situation.

“The policy direction under Xi Jinping is towards greater centralisation and reinforcement of state control over key parts of the economy. Fiscal reform would likely cut against both of those tendencies.”

There has not yet been a default among LGFVs traded in the exchanges, but Guangfa Securities estimated that there were a total of 73 defaults in LGFVs sold in private transactions in the first quarter this year – a record high since the brokerage started collecting such data in 2018. These were mostly vehicles in Guizhou and Shandong provinces.

Fitch Ratings said in a note on July 17 that Chinese banks are likely to face growing pressure on asset quality and profitability from their exposure to LGFV debt in the next year or two, leading to more loan restructurings.

Several of China’s prominent policy advisers have argued that the central government needs to take on more debt from local governments, especially in high-cost, low-return projects.

Yet, many LGFVs have to pay around 6 to 8 per cent in annual interest on such investments, while some may have to even pay more, according to CASS’s Zhang. China’s central government, meanwhile, borrows at much lower rates in the capital market.

“All they can do is to rely on other means … Inevitably, this has led to significant debt growth, especially hidden debt,” Zhang said.

How is China defusing its debt bubble, and what’s the outlook?

There are no official figures on China’s so-called hidden debt, often stemming from informal channels of borrowing that involve LGFVs. It has been estimated that China’s local governments have around 30 trillion to 50 trillion yuan worth of hidden debts outstanding. Interest on these debts is much higher, with repayment terms shorter, than those in the bond market.

The central government has insisted for years that there will be no bailouts for local governments, nor the companies they own, and Beijing has said it may allow indebted LGFVs to default or undergo restructuring if they are unable to repay debt.
In recent months, a number of provincial officials, such as those from Hunan and Gansu, vowed that they would not default in the listed market, in a bid to restore investor confidence that is sorely lacking in China’s post-pandemic climate.

Li at Zhongtai Securities said that Beijing’s drive to become self-sufficient in producing semiconductors and alternative energy could once again lead to excess capacity. Local governments are being asked to invest huge amounts of money in advanced technology without much supervision or independent assessments of these projects’ efficiency, he warned.

“Local government debt is a long-standing problem,” Li said at the Renmin University seminar. “It’s a process. We can’t say, ‘Let’s just decouple [from local government guarantees]’. We need to respect their history and face reality.”

Debt risk and debt-sustainable development are two sides of the same coin
Sun Xiaoxia, former finance official
China’s national legislature, the National People’s Congress, has urged the central government to “scientifically determine the scale” of the country’s medium- and long-term liabilities.

But Sun Xiaoxia, a former director general in the Ministry of Finance’s Finance Department, said it remains hard for the government to determine an “optimal debt scale”, and it is even more difficult to “maintain the debt at a certain scale”.

“In theory, there should be a discussion about the optimal debt scale, in the belief that there is an optimal debt ratio that can maximise economic growth. But the reality is often more complicated,” Sun said at the same seminar. “While achieving the goal of stable growth, we are also facing the problem of rapid expansion of local debt levels and rising debt pressure.

“Debt risk has become an issue of increasing concern. Debt risk and debt-sustainable development are two sides of the same coin.”

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