“I am sure that I would take the same action, if the same situation arose,” Chun told the court.

Gwangju Uprising led South Korea to embrace democracy, President Moon says

Chun was born on March 6, 1931, in Yulgok-myeon, a poor farming town in the southeastern county of Hapcheon, during Japanese rule over Korea.

He joined the military straight out of high school, working his way up the ranks until he was appointed a commander in 1979.

Taking charge of the investigation into the assassination of President Park Chung-hee that year, Chun courted key military allies and gained control of South Korea’s intelligence agencies to headline a December 12 coup.

“In front of the most powerful organisations under the Park Chung-hee presidency, it surprised me how easily (Chun) gained control over them and how skilfully he took advantage of the circumstances. In an instant he seemed to have grown into a giant,” Park Jun-kwang, Chun’s subordinate during the coup later told journalist Cho Gab-je.

Chun’s eight-year rule in the presidential Blue House was marked by brutality and political repression. It was, however, also marked by economic prosperity.

Chun resigned from office amid a nationwide student-led democratic movement in 1987 demanding a direct electoral system.

In 1995, he was charged with mutiny, treason and was arrested after refusing to appear at the prosecutors’ office and fleeing to his hometown.

At what local media dubbed the “trial of the century”, he and coup co-conspirator and succeeding President Roh Tae-woo were found guilty of mutiny, treason and bribery. In their verdict, judges said Chun’s rise to power came “through illegal means which inflicted enormous damage on the people”.

Thousands of students were believed to have been killed at Gwangju, according to testimonies by survivors, former military officers and investigators.

Roh was given a lengthy jail term while Chun was sentenced to death. However, that was commuted by the Seoul High Court in recognition of Chun’s role in the fast-paced economic development of the Asian “Tiger” and the peaceful transfer of the presidency to Roh in 1988.

Both men were pardoned and freed from jail in 1997 by President Kim Young-sam, in what he called an effort to promote “national unity”.

Chun made several returns to the spotlight. He caused a national furore in 2003 when he claimed total assets of 291,000 won (US$245) of cash, two dogs and some home appliances – while owing some 220.5 billion won in fines.

His four children and other relatives were later found to own large swathes of land in Seoul and luxurious villas in the United States.

Chun’s family in 2013 vowed to pay off the bulk of his debt, but his unpaid fines still totalled some 100 billion won as of December 2020.

Ex-South Korean strongman denies defaming priest over Gwangju killings

Last year, Chun was found guilty and received an eight-month suspended sentence for defaming a late democracy activist and Catholic priest in his 2017 memoirs, in which he also continued to justify the Gwangju massacre with claims that North-Korea linked provocateurs stirred up protesters and that armed agents from the North were involved in the slaying.

Chae Young-sun, who was arrested, beaten and jailed by martial law troops during the Gwangju uprising, noted Chun had never taken responsibility for the bloody crackdown in Gwangju.

“His death should have closed a chapter on the wrongful history but it failed to do so as he had never apologised for the massacre,” said Chae, who was among the last group of tens of armed protestors who were either killed or arrested after fighting Chun’s martial law troops in Gwangju.

Additional reporting by Park Chankyong, AFP