“Sovereign democracy”, Russian propagandist Vladislav Surkov wrote, refers to a system whereby a “society’s political life … the political powers, their authorities and decisions are decided and controlled by … the people that formed it”. According to the long-time adviser of Russian President Vladimir Putin , a society is democratic in so far as it is insulated from external influence, especially Western interference. Meanwhile, Ivan Ilyin, Putin’s favourite philosopher, endorsed a saviour-leader who deploys “redemptive excess” and “patriotic arbitrariness” to advance national development. Putin’s politics have attracted admirers from across the world, including Western leaders such as US President Donald Trump and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. But perhaps there is no more enthusiastic political disciple than Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte , a notorious authoritarian populist. Referring to Putin as his “favourite hero”, the Southeast Asian leader broke the ice in relations between the two countries by becoming the first Philippine president to visit Russia in recent memory. Blossoming relations, however, transcend personal rapport and fascination, with potentially huge consequences for Asian geopolitics. Fundamentally, Duterte’s outreach to Russia is part of his strategic diversification philosophy. During his high-profile speech at the 6th annual meeting of Russian think tank the Valdai Discussion Club in the Black Sea resort of Sochi, with Putin there, he lambasted the Philippines’ historical subservience to the United States at the expense of developing fruitful ties with other major powers. Philippines’ hopes for South China Sea exploration deal with Russia depend on Moscow’s ties to China, experts say Criticising the country’s American-centric foreign policy, Duterte lamented the “oversight of [huge] strategic proportions”, which has pushed Russia to “the margins” of the Philippines’ strategic imagination. Throughout the entire cold war and up until Duterte’s presidency, the Philippines largely shunned relations with Moscow out of fear of antagonising Washington. Now, Duterte was calling for a “challenge” to the American-centred global order. But the Philippine leader made it clear that he was not ditching the long-standing alliance with Washington, nor was he against liberal democratic values. Instead, he said he wanted to “expand the horizon of Philippine diplomacy by deepening our engagement” with emerging powers, including those in “Latin America, Africa, and Central Asia”. The visit was not Duterte’s first to Russia, although his 2017 state visit was derailed by the Battle of Marawi when fighters affiliated to Islamic State attacked the southern Philippine city. Duterte, along with almost the entire of his core cabinet members, including defence and finance ministers as well as military chief of staff, had to return home immediately. While the visit was truncated by the crisis in Marawi, shared concerns over the Isis threat rapidly facilitated warmer relations with Russia under the newly signed Agreement on Defence Cooperation. Throughout the siege, which lasted five months, Russia offered assault rifles and armoured vehicles as well as advanced intelligence on Isis fighters to the Philippine military. Later, the two sides also began discussing joint military exercises, especially in maritime borders used for human trafficking and entry of transnational jihadists. Meanwhile, Russia also offered sales of advanced defence hardware to the Philippines’ multibillion-dollar military modernisation programme. The Philippine military has been exploring the purchase of Russian multi-role jet fighters, warships, transport and attack helicopters. Manila is even considering buying Kilo-class submarines, which could be deployed to the South China Sea. US is Philippines’ only military ally, foreign chief says Currently, the Philippines is set to procure US$14.7 million worth of Mi-17 medium-lift helicopters, as it examines tighter security cooperation with Russia. Amid this blossoming relationship, Moscow recently sent its first defence attaché to Manila. As one Russian diplomat boasted: “What we can assure you, if you are going to procure military equipment from us, we are going to give you brand new ones and not second-hand.” It was an indirect jab at the US, which has been constantly criticised, especially by Duterte, for dumping hand-me-down equipment on its Southeast Asian ally. Closer ties with Russia not only enhance the Philippines’ leverage with regards to the US, which has taken notice of warming ties between its ally and a major rival. It also gives the Philippines alternative, cheaper options to develop its maritime security capabilities amid disputes in the South China Sea. In fact, this is precisely what Vietnam has done through its purchase of Kilo-class submarines from Russia amid maritime spats with China. The case of neighbouring Malaysia, for instance, has also shown that Southeast Asian nations can optimally combine Western and Russian military technology to build up their defensive capabilities. The Philippines is also contemplating another tactic used by Vietnam to defend its interests in the disputed waters. During the Philippine-Russia Business Forum, Duterte invited top Russian companies to invest in the country’s infrastructure. Two-way trade between Manila and Moscow is minuscule, but it has more than doubled since Duterte’s last visit to Russia, from US$568 million in 2017 to US$1.36 billion in 2018. There is a huge room for improvement. Crucially, however, the Philippine leader has called on Russian energy companies, including Rosneft, to explore projects in the Philippines. This means Duterte could potentially offer major offshore energy projects in Philippine waters in the South China Sea. Philippines prefers Chinese cash to US ‘strategic confusion’ in South China Sea Vietnam has relied on Russian (and Indian) state-owned companies to develop its offshore energy resources in the South China Sea. Cognisant of warm relations between Moscow and Beijing, the Philippines could similarly embed Russia in the disputed waters to hedge against China. Pursuant to his “independent” foreign policy, reaching out to Russia allows Duterte to avoid strategic subservience to either the US or China. The Russians have been so impressed by the Philippine leader, notorious for his invective-laden speeches, that they conferred upon him his first honorary doctorate in diplomacy. There is nothing like Russian irony.