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The China-built Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia is one of hundreds of projects across the continent. Photo: African Union

China paints picture of African partnership with gleaming public works

  • Gifts of Chinese-built symbols of state from presidential palaces to sports stadiums are springing up across the continent
  • Observers say Beijing’s aim is to cement China’s role in Africa as an enduring partner and a major player in its development

A conference centre built and paid for by China is nearing completion in the Zambian capital Lusaka.

Developers of the Kenneth Kaunda International Conference Centre plan to hand it over to the government next month, in time for Lusaka to host the African heads of state summit later this year.

The China Jiangsu International Economic and Technical Cooperation Group started work on the 4,000-capacity centre in 2020 and the project is 85 per cent complete, Zambia’s government clerk of works Tadalisika Zulu told the national broadcaster.

The centre is the latest example of how Beijing is cementing its relationship with African countries with grandiose symbols of state, such as gleaming presidential palaces and parliamentary buildings.

The buildings are springing up across the continent as part of Beijing’s “portrait diplomacy” – painting a picture of China as an enduring partner.

Zambia is a key Chinese ally – it was the first on the continent to attract Chinese funding, in the 1970s for the Tanzania-Zambia railway – and Chinese companies have vast investments in the country’s mining industry.

China remains Zambia’s largest bilateral lender and trading partner but lately Lusaka has fallen behind in its debt repayments. Last year, Zambia became the first African country to default on some of its loans in the Covid-19 era.

Neighbouring Zimbabwe has also welcomed Beijing money for infrastructure projects, including a US$140 million China-aided six-storey parliament building set for completion next month in Mount Hampden, about 18km (11 miles) northwest of Harare.

To ease congestion in the crowded capital, the Zimbabwean government plans to relocate the judiciary and executive branches, and some of its administrative units, to the site. A statehouse and official residences for the House speaker and Senate president will also be built.

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And in Ethiopia, work on an US$80 million Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention headquarters is nearing completion, according to African Union (AU) officials. A top-out ceremony was held late last year for the facility, built by Chinese construction giant the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation.

All of these buildings, and many more in numerous African countries, were gifts from the Chinese government, through grants or interest-free loans.

Paul Nantulya, a research associate at the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies at Washington’s National Defence University, calls these gifts “portrait diplomacy” and says they have been a staple of China’s modern statecraft.

According to Nantulya, China built or renovated 186 government buildings, in at least 40 countries, between the launch of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in 2008 and its seventh summit in 2018.

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The facilities included 24 presidential or prime ministerial residences, 26 parliaments, 32 military and police installations, as well as academies, and 19 ministries of foreign affairs – at a cautious estimate, he said.

There is also the ultra-modern AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, funded and built by Chinese firms for US$200 million, as a “gift to the African people”.

“China is playing the long game. Its presence is felt each time an African walks into any of those buildings. China is creating a portrait of itself as an enduring partner that remains present and stands in solidarity with African governments,” Nantulya said.

Most of these projects also come with “software”, he pointed out – such as Chinese military educators helping to develop the curricula at the Zimbabwe National Defence University, which was built by Chinese firms.

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Similarly, the Chinese-built Namibia Command and Staff College and the Tanzania National Defence University are venues for deepened exchanges between the People’s Liberation Army and local forces.

Nantulya also pointed to the renovation of the Tanzanian foreign ministry, which coincided with grants to train and build the capacity of Tanzania’s diplomats.

“We might expect to see the same in Ghana and Kenya, where Chinese firms are constructing a foreign affairs annexe and full ministry building respectively, and Tunisia, where they are constructing the new foreign affairs training academy,” he said.

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David Shinn, a professor at George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs, said China had been building government and public buildings across Africa for decades.

Some – such as the AU headquarters – were complete gifts, while others were developed on a contractual basis for profit or with an interest-free loan, he said.

According to Shinn, funding details are usually impossible to obtain. However, it was known that in 2019 China gifted Burundi with a US$22 million presidential palace, and gave Kenya a US$38 million grant in 2021 for a new foreign ministry headquarters, he said.

“These projects are not particularly expensive and will probably continue even as China cuts back on loans for infrastructure projects. They provide goodwill and are an effort to ensure the cooperation of African officials with China’s policies.”

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Oregon State University historian Itamar Dubinsky has studied China’s sporting projects in Africa and identified a similar strategy.

He said the grants and soft loans China gave to its African counterparts to build sports stadiums enabled Beijing to rebuild and strengthen its ties with them, easing access to the raw materials vital for the Chinese economy.

“As such, the Chinese government regards these projects as stepping stones to increase their access to raw materials and markets.”

Dubinsky said media coverage of the stadiums contributed to China’s increased presence and impact in the continent, positioning it as a prominent player who cared for local needs and gave Africans the tools to realise their developmental visions.

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According to Dubinsky, in some countries – such as Gabon – stadiums have become expensive white elephants and a burden on taxpayers.

“Adverse reactions by civil society to the stadiums are springing up across the continent, [as people recognise] they do little to improve their livelihood,” he said.

“As such, these reactions might serve as warning signs for other countries before they accept Chinese grants or loans.”

Observers said China would continue to provide grants for these projects across Africa. They were effectively a low-cost, high-impact way to establish China as a major player in people’s minds, Nantulya said.

“China understands the importance of symbolism in African culture and political attitudes, and is playing to that,” he said, adding that Beijing was also strengthening its ties and winning favour with national elites.

Many projects are tied to the legacies of African political leaders, which Nantulya said explained why major Chinese works tended to increase in tempo when elections were around the corner.

Critics have questioned the motives behind China’s largesse, including a 2018 claim that China was spying on the AU.

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French newspaper Le Monde claimed China had installed hidden microphones and was taping sensitive information – reports Beijing termed “groundless accusations” and the AU called “baseless”.

Nantulya of the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies said neither China nor its African partners would further publicly acknowledge the allegations, but he questioned their importance.

“The long-term influence and political access that China gained by building those 186 or so facilities far outweighs whatever benefits it can get by bugging a building here and there,” he said.

“China’s ‘portrait diplomacy’ is seen as a winning formula by Chinese leaders and can be expected to continue.”

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