Advertisement
Opinion | How America’s Iran miscalculation hands China a strategic advantage
A preventive war waged without allied consensus risks undermining Washington’s legal and moral standing – strengthening Beijing’s hand
4-MIN READ4-MIN
1
Listen

The US launched its war against Iran on February 28, convinced that decapitating Tehran’s leadership would produce swift political capitulation. A week later, Iran was still firing missiles across the Gulf, some 150 oil tankers were stalled at the Strait of Hormuz and an Iranian Revolutionary Guard commander has threatened to set ablaze any vessel attempting passage.
A recent analysis in The Diplomat argues the strikes signal the end of China’s westward strategic march. The diagnosis captures real costs but mistakes a disruption for a defeat. For Beijing, the more consequential question is not whether Iran has fallen, but whether Washington has stepped into its deepest quagmire since Iraq.
The case for a Chinese calamity rests on one assumption: that Iran collapses quickly, freeing US resources for an Indo-Pacific pivot. That assumption is already fraying. Air power can destroy facilities and eliminate commanders, but it cannot legislate political outcomes. For a case in point, consider Libya in 2011. Nato pressure succeeded only because there were organised rebel forces already on the ground, while no comparable force exists in Iran today.
Advertisement
Iran’s response has also exposed a deeper shift in modern warfare: missile volume is no longer the decisive variable. Tehran’s Shahed drones – which cost an estimated US$20,000-US$50,000 apiece – have imposed disproportionate costs on US and allied air defences. A single interceptor runs 10 times that figure or more, and the Stimson Centre’s Kelly Grieco has calculated that for every dollar Iran spends manufacturing a Shahed, it costs adversaries US$20-US$28 to bring it down. Protracted, asymmetric attrition is increasingly the logic of contemporary conflict, a calculus that extends well beyond the Gulf.
More damaging is the context in which the strikes were launched. On February 27, Oman’s Foreign Minister Badr Al-Busaidi announced a diplomatic breakthrough: Iran had agreed to zero uranium stockpiling and full verification. Peace was “within reach”. US President Donald Trump struck anyway. By choosing kinetic action during negotiations that were yielding results, the Trump administration handed Beijing and Moscow a legitimacy argument they could not have constructed themselves.
The fractures within the Western alliance compound this error. Spain has rejected the strikes as “unilateral military action” and denied Washington access to jointly operated military bases at Rota and Morón. France, Germany and the UK issued a joint statement that neither endorsed nor condemned the operation. The transatlantic alliance has declined to participate in the US-Israeli offensive. The alliance architecture is not cracking, but it is visibly straining.
Advertisement
Advertisement
Select Voice
Select Speed
1.00x

