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Wang Xiangwei
SCMP Columnist
China Briefing
by Wang Xiangwei
China Briefing
by Wang Xiangwei

Hong Kong needn’t fear the PLA, even if it is a US-China battleground

  • This is no Tiananmen – despite delusional radicals on both left and right itching for a military intervention, Beijing is likely to wait these protests out
  • But another type of battle may already be underway – one for political influence
Ever since Hong Kong’s protests against the now-defunct extradition bill turned violent on June 12, fears have been mounting that Beijing would deploy military forces to tackle the city’s worst political crisis in decades if law and order spiral out of control.

Those fears gnawing at the back of many minds have come to the fore as the violence escalated over the past month, and grew particularly strong on July 21, when protesters defaced the national emblem at the front of the Central Government’s Liaison Office – an act seen as the most blatant provocation of Beijing’s authority.

Hong Kong is heading for a breakdown in law and order

Three days later, Wu Qian, China’s defence ministry spokesman, dropped an obvious hint that Chinese military forces could be legally deployed to Hong Kong to maintain social order at the request of the city’s government.

On Wednesday night, Chen Daoxiang, commander of the People’s Liberation Army’s Hong Kong garrison of about 6,000 troops, warned that “extreme violent attacks” would not be tolerated and that the PLA was determined to protect China’s sovereignty and safeguard Hong Kong’s stability.

Chen issued the warning at an event to mark the 92nd anniversary of the founding of the PLA in front of Hong Kong’s political and business elites, as well as representatives of foreign consulates in the city.

Chen’s forceful warning was followed the same night by the PLA Hong Kong garrison’s move to upload a three-minute video on the Chinese social media platform Weibo. The video opens with scenes of live-firing drills and anti-riot exercises by fully armoured soldiers, complete with helicopters, tanks, missile launchers, and warships.

China’s legal system has a long way to go before it can be trusted

Adding to the concerns, a White House official on Tuesday told reporters the American government was monitoring units of PLA or armed police that were gathered at the border with Hong Kong.

But since then, the White House official’s comments have been largely dismissed. The American government might have mistaken a large-scale swearing-in ceremony by Guangdong police, who were involved in preparations to mark the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic.

According to official media reports, more than 160,000 local and armed police took part in the event in major Guangdong cities on Tuesday.

Hong Kong Police block off the area around the Central Government Offices and PLA Central Barracks after the rally on July 21. Photo: Xiaomei Chen

There is no doubt that Chen’s stark warning was aimed at scaring the protesters into backing down, even though the protests – already entering their third month – have shown no sign of abating.

Instead, the protesters who had largely confined their actions to weekends, now spread their activities to week days, including disrupting mass transport at peak hours and gathering outside a police station.

While the possibility of a military intervention in the city cannot be ruled out, the chances are very slim, even though dangers of a serious breakdown in law and order in the city are very real.

People who are worried about the idea of PLA tanks rolling into the city think of the bloody Tiananmen crackdown in June 30 years ago when PLA soldiers shot their way into the city of Beijing.

Harsh truths for Hong Kong: protests will not achieve anything

But circumstances leading to that unfortunate and sad incident are grossly different from those surrounding Hong Kong today.

In June 1989, Deng Xiaoping ordered the PLA to move their tanks into Beijing on fears the ruling Communist Party could lose control of the country and face the danger of being deposed, partly because of an open split at the highest level of leadership.
‘Tank man’, one of the most famous images of the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. But circumstances leading to that incident 30 years ago are grossly different from those facing Hong Kong today. Photo: AP

By contrast, the unrest in Hong Kong is in no way a threat to the ruling party in Beijing and the city is far from spiralling out of control. Moreover, as the aftermath of the Tiananmen crackdown has shown, the ensuing international sanctions could set China’s economic growth back years if PLA tanks were to enter Hong Kong.

Besides, the Chinese military forces are meant to defend against the foreign enemies – they should not target Chinese protesters.

That explains why Chinese officials have expressed their resolute support for the Hong Kong police to handle the protests.

Portugal: a new home for those who fear Hong Kong’s fate?

Having said that, some analysts in Beijing are also mindful of the fact that radicals on both the right and left are trying to incite further violence and provoke Beijing’s more forceful intervention.

Those on the far right may harbour hopes that a military intervention by Beijing would compel the US and other Western countries to unite and push back against Beijing; those on the far left may believe a forceful intervention by Beijing could quell dissent and bring stability.

Either view is delusional, to say the least.

Most likely, Beijing’s strategy is to wait out the protests. If worse comes to worst, the collapse of the city’s economy would hardly produce a long-lasting effect on national economic development. Hong Kong’s economy relative to China’s gross domestic product has fallen from about 20 per cent at the time of the handover from British rule in 1997 to less than 3 per cent today. Last year, the economy of neighbouring Shenzhen overtook Hong Kong’s for the first time.

The US consulate in Hong Kong is the largest of its kind in Asia. Photo: Nora Tam

While Hong Kong is very unlikely to become a real combat zone, it is far more likely to shape up as a battleground for political influence between the United States and China.

For years, Chinese officials have held deep suspicions that Washington has used its intertwined political and business influences in Hong Kong to foment trouble and use the city as a base to subvert the rule of the party, pointing to the fact that its consulate in Hong Kong is the largest of its kind in Asia, among other things.

Over the past few days, such misgivings have become very public as the Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said the violent protests in Hong Kong were “the work of the US” and “the US owes the world an explanation”.

She has cited meetings between senior US officials and prominent supporters of the protests, and the fact that many local protesters have waved American flags.

In the US, paranoid officials see Chinese spies around every corner

Hua’s words were echoed on Wednesday by the former Hong Kong leader Tung Chee-hwa, who accused the US and Taiwan of orchestrating the “well-organised” protests. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has dismissed Hua’s accusations and said it was “ridiculous” for China to suggest the US was behind the escalating demonstrations.

At a time when Washington is intensifying its all-out campaign to push against the rise of China, Hong Kong is unfortunately being thrust into the very centre.

Wang Xiangwei is the former editor-in-chief of the South China Morning Post. He is now based in Beijing as editorial adviser to the paper

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