A figure depicting US President Donald Trump as Emperor Nero “fiddling while Rome burns” is displayed in a traditional carnival parade in Mainz, Germany. Photo: AP
Opinion
Asian Angle
by Michael Vatikiotis
Asian Angle
by Michael Vatikiotis
With Western democracy in retreat, Asia may have to forge its own path
In what used to be called ‘the free world’, advocacy of democratic freedom seems to have taken a back seat to competition for strategic primacy
The erosion of Western values and institutions suggests the need for safeguards and a proactive protection of Asia’s democratic gains
ASIA’s democracy deficit used to stem mainly from the self-interest and greed of local autocrats, but today the biggest threat increasingly comes from the erosion of institutions in established democracies that were once the standard setters of freedom and justice.
Past popular struggles against autocratic regimes drew strength from external inspiration and support. The so-called third wave of democracy in the 1970s saw student uprisings in Europe spread to Asia, which challenged autocratic leaders and laid the foundation of people’s power movements a decade later.
But as populist leaders who use the politics of division and ride roughshod over established checks and balances on their power have again emerged in Europe, the pressure on undemocratic peers in Asia has eased.
The same is increasingly true of the United States. Over the past few decades the US took the lead in advocating democratic change and reform, but President Donald Trump has made little effort to rein in abuses of power overseas and has set a discordant tone by praising autocratic leaders such as North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, and describing Egypt’s military leader general Abdel Fattah al- Sisi as “my favourite dictator”.
Trump’s praising of autocratic leaders such as North Korea’s Kim Jong-un has set a discordant tone for democracy promotion efforts. Photo: AP
Yet when Trump visited India last month, he made no reference to the blatant use of state power to incite violence against Muslims that killed dozens in Delhi while he was there. Trump argued instead that Prime Minister Narendra Modi, an avowed Hindu nationalist, had an admirable record of tolerance. Nor is the US vocally perturbed about the crackdown on dissent in Kashmir or moves to intimidate Muslims in India by threatening to question their legal right to citizenship.
The signals these glaring omissions send encourage bad behaviour. An Indian judge who questioned police tactics amid the violence in Delhi during Trump’s visit was removed. Was there a murmur of protest from Washington about the undermining of the independent judiciary, a bedrock principle of democratic government?
Elsewhere in the region, an opposition political party was ordered to disband by a court in Thailand and nervous Western diplomats weighed whether to protest. And look what just happened in Malaysia – a new government was installed by the king without a vote in the elected parliament, and there was barely a squeak of protest from anywhere.
Malaysia's new Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, left, was installed by King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, right, without a democratic vote. Photo: AFP
Advocacy of democratic freedom has, it seems, taken a back seat to competition for strategic primacy. India is regarded by Washington as a vital prop against the growing influence of China in Asia. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has described the Chinese Communist Party as the biggest threat to the world. He doesn’t seem to think that India’s antagonising of close to 200 million Muslims, 15 per cent of the population, poses a threat to peace and stability.
To be sure there are mounting concerns in the region about China’s thrust to increase its influence through muscular diplomacy and aggressive economic investment. Beijing has made it clear that it wants no meddling by Western powers in a region it increasingly regards as its own backyard. In doing so, China also turns a blind eye to the abuses of power and human rights violations across Asia.
Yet this hasn’t seemed to inspire more concerted efforts to support democratic change and the defence of democratic values. In many Southeast Asian countries – Malaysia included – Western countries are afraid to criticise undemocratic behaviour, fearing this will push governments further into China’s camp.
Cambodia's authoritarian Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in office since 1985. Photo: AFP
The European Union agonised over imposing sanctions on Cambodia after the government banned the opposition in 2017. The eventual decision in February to cut back on preferential import privileges known as “Everything But Arms” was carefully calibrated, apparently to protect garment workers, but also to limit the opportunities for China to fill the vacuum.
The challenges facing democracies in Asia could be seen another way: the rise of populism and the erosion of democratic values and institutions in Western countries suggest the need for safeguards and a proactive protection of the democratic gains of the past three decades in the region. This will require moving away from relying on norms or rules governing political behaviour set in Europe or the US.
There are already faint but discernible signs of this happening. Indonesia has for the past few years hosted a democracy forum on the island of Bali which brings together leaders from emerging democracies. Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi wants Jakarta to help conflict-ravaged countries like Afghanistan develop resilient, tolerant and inclusive democratic government. The US, by contrast, has sealed a controversial deal with the Taliban that ignores the threat to stable national government and focuses on withdrawing its troops.
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi wants Jakarta to help conflict-ravaged countries develop democratic governments. Photo: AP
Faced with lacklustre interest from Western capitals, Asia’s young activists are increasingly drawing inspiration from innovative political figures in the region – such as human rights lawyer Park Won-Soon who was elected mayor of Seoul in 2011, or Audrey Tang, the digital affairs minister of Taiwan – rather than the leaders of what used to be called “the free world”. Meanwhile, political leaders in Europe and the US are battling rising racism and intolerance and turn a blind eye to the repressive and inhuman treatment of refugees, making them less-than-perfect role models.
Those who fear a slide towards Asian values that might dilute the spirit of basic human rights and democratic freedoms need to understand the extent to which the old-world order, built on the United Nations Charter and Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is fraying in the capitals of both the old and new world. Countries like the US and Britain that once proudly supported struggles to uphold the norms and values contained therein are now facing questions at home about how important they really are. ■
Michael Vatikiotis is the author of Blood and Silk: Power and Conflict in Modern Southeast Asia
