“Since there’s so many countries pointing out the risks, Japan cannot just stand by and watch,” said senior Liberal Democratic Party official Akira Amari on Sunday.

Lye Liang Fook, a senior fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute who researches China’s foreign policy, said that most governments in Southeast Asia would prefer to remain unaligned – especially those with relatively small economies that “are essentially price takers and not trend setters”.

“It may not be entirely in their interest to shut themselves completely out of any particular network,” he said.

Benjamin Ho, an assistant professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, similarly predicted that “no Southeast Asia country would put the squeeze on Chinese apps” – though he did suggest some might have their militaries, or other organisations that handle sensitive information, take extra steps to safeguard their work.

“To those alleging the president [Duterte] suppresses free speech … he does not ban any website,” he said.

The world, he said, had changed “irrevocably” – and Singapore must now avoid getting caught up in the escalating US-China rivalry or becoming stranded in a world of fragmenting trade relations.

PRIVACY CONCERNS?

The stated aim of Washington’s move against Chinese apps, as announced by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on August 5, is to safeguard US “citizens’ privacy and our companies’ most sensitive information from aggressive intrusions by malign actors, such as the Chinese Communist Party”.

The US president over the weekend said his administration would scrutinise other Chinese companies, though he did not elaborate. While he has repeatedly stressed privacy and security concerns, among Asian users, this concern is not top of their minds.

03:08

India bans dozens of Chinese apps, including TikTok and WeChat, after deadly border clash

India bans dozens of Chinese apps, including TikTok and WeChat, after deadly border clash

Similar sentiments were expressed by 33-year-old Vietnamese travel agency owner Chau Nguyen, who has been using TikTok to make videos with her daughter and thinks users should just be careful when providing personal information.

In fact, a survey of 500 respondents aged 18 to 54 in Vietnam’s two biggest cities that was released last month by Ho Chi Minh City-based market research firm Indochina Research found that only one-third of those taking part were concerned about sharing their personal information online.

A similar picture can be found in places like the Philippines, where seven out of 10 people have some sort of social networking account – with the benefits of having one often touted as reason enough to ignore any security risks.

Is US pressuring allies like Japan to ban Chinese technology and apps?

For Tammy David, a senior content strategist at a Filipino marketing firm, quitting Chinese social media apps would be almost impossible in her line of work as one of her key responsibilities is building up a following for brands on TikTok. “I’m worried [with the security issues of the apps], but it’s hard not to ignore them. I’ll cross the bridge when I get there,” she said.

Younger users are similarly unmoved by any perceived risks associated with Chinese apps such as TikTok, with 15-year-old student Curtis saying he would “rather continue using it before it gets banned everywhere”.

Whether somewhere such as the Philippines heeds Washington’s call and works to remove Chinese apps is ultimately a decision that will be “based on the country’s own strategic calculations”, said Julio Amador III, a senior research fellow at the Ateneo de Manila University in Quezon City, though he cautioned against interpreting a government’s rejection of the initiative as a snub of Washington or tacit support for Beijing.

Chong Ja Ian, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore, said he expected the city state to stick to its usual approach of seeking to act as a conduit between world powers – but added that there was no one-size-fits-all solution for Southeast Asian nations, with their diverse methods of governance, technological needs and usage of apps.

“Worries about pressure and loss of opportunity from China” would be at the back of many minds among Asean’s government officials, Chong said. Many member states, Singapore and Indonesia included, count China as their largest trading partner.

Other factors also come into play, such as whether a country wants to maintain friendly relations with Beijing so it can gain access to any future Chinese coronavirus vaccine, said Ma Liang, a professor of public administration and policy at the Renmin University of China.

“They have to seriously consider the possibility that working with the US may threaten their future security and development in the shadow of the global pandemic,” he said, adding that he did not expect Washington’s allies to fall in line as there was “no evidence” to suggest the Chinese government was using apps to mine for information.

Dylan Loh, an assistant professor of public policy and global affairs at Nanyang Technological University, said Asean’s response to the US’ call for support on Chinese apps is likely to be as lukewarm as that given to Pompeo’s calls for the region to support Washington’s stance on Beijing’s claims in the disputed South China Sea.

“I think the reaction here will similarly be muted,” he said, noting that this was not a front of contestation that Southeast Asian countries wanted to see developing.

“No one has a desire to antagonise China or be construed as having made its choice between the US and China.”

Additional reporting by Sen Nguyen, Elyssa Lopez and Bloomberg