
South Korea’s ‘overwhelming pro-US’ Pacific tilt triggers alarm in China: ‘this could become a nightmare’
- President Yoon Suk-yeol’s Pacific overtures reflect his desire for South Korea to become a ‘global pivotal state’ with a ‘bold’ foreign policy
- But the move further into the US’ strategic orbit has angered Beijing, which has warned Seoul against making a ‘wrong bet’ in the US-China rivalry
South Korea also said it would double the scale of its development assistance to the Pacific region to US$39.9 million by 2027, the Yonhap news agency reported. Yoon met the leaders of the Cook Islands, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Solomon Islands, Niue and Palau, and also held summits with the heads of five other Pacific island nations.

Peter Lee, a research fellow at the University of Sydney’s United States Studies Centre, said Seoul’s growing engagement with the Pacific region reflected its desire to take a more expansive role and realise its aspirations of becoming a “global pivotal state”.
“South Korea recognises that it can make a modest but nonetheless important contribution to the Pacific islands together with traditional partners like the United States and Australia,” Lee said, noting that Yoon’s predecessor did not focus on the Pacific. “So this is a region where the Yoon administration can differentiate itself with new ideas and cooperation.”
Seoul’s engagement with the Pacific islands could also offer a “uniquely Korean approach” to regional issues like economic development, energy security and climate mitigation, he added.
Why South Korea has long way to go before it can be a ‘global pivotal state’
Erik Mobrand, Korea policy chair and senior political scientist at the California-headquartered Rand Corporation, said that until recently, South Korea had demonstrated little diplomatic interest in the region outside of Northeast Asia.
“Now Seoul has made this overture to the Pacific islands, an area that South Korea has not traditionally had strong ties with,” Mobrand said, adding there could be opportunities for development assistance, in particular infrastructure projects.
“These would play to South Korea’s strengths while also offering responses to climate change-related threats that Pacific island nations face,” Mobrand said, noting that the projects, if done well, could fill gaps in the region’s needs.

Given Seoul’s strength in overseas infrastructure building, South Korea’s Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport has announced plans to turn the country into one of the world’s top four for overseas construction, capable of winning US$50 billion in overseas deals every year by 2027.
The Pacific islands are experiencing rising sea levels, increasingly frequent and intense droughts and storms, and damage to coral reefs and fisheries, all as a result of climate change.
Alexander M. Hynd, non-resident James A. Kelly Korea fellow at the Honolulu-based Pacific Forum, said Seoul was looking to expand into new markets and create new regional forums where it could demonstrate a middle-power leadership role on development and the climate crisis.
“The Pacific islands region fulfils both of these criteria,” Hynd said, adding that given regional powers’ jostle for influence in the Pacific, it made sense for Seoul to make sure that its core security interests were considered by these states.
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Andrew Yeo, a senior fellow and the SK-Korea Foundation chair of Korea studies at the Brookings Institution, said Seoul’s recent interest in the Pacific islands was likely influenced by Washington’s concern about growing Chinese clout in the region.
“[South Korea’s] involvement is less about [the Pacific islands] ‘mattering’ to South Korea, and more about [Seoul] providing public goods in the Indo-Pacific region where it can play an early and significant role in addressing issues like climate change and development assistance,” Yeo said.

National Security Strategy
Released for the first time in five years, the policy paper outlined the need to address current and future security challenges while defending liberal democracy and contributing to global prosperity and solidarity.
Under the strategy, South Korea’s goals are to protect its sovereignty, establish peace on the Korean peninsula and lay the groundwork for prosperity in East Asia while expanding the country’s global role, according to Principal Deputy National Security Adviser Kim Tae-hyo.
This comes on the heels of an Indo-Pacific Strategy released in December, which Seoul says is a commitment to increasing the country’s role “in addressing various issues in the region and building a positive regional order”.
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“Recognising Korea’s economic, social and cultural prowess from semiconductors and batteries to nuclear power and K-pop culture, the international community now expects Korea to match its role and contributions with its elevated stature,” said the government paper “Strategy for a Free, Peaceful, and Prosperous Indo-Pacific Region”.
These recent strategies appear to have built upon and replaced Seoul’s earlier New Southern Policy (NSP), announced in November 2017 and aimed at deepening its strategic partnership with Southeast Asia and India to a level similar to Seoul’s ties with the US, China, Japan and Russia.
Brookings’ Yeo said the Yoon government wanted to unveil a more ambitious Indo-Pacific-wide strategy that would go beyond the NSP and connect with Yoon’s concept of a “global pivotal state”. Yoon in 2022 launched the Korea-Asean Solidarity Initiative, meant to boost economic and strategic cooperation with Southeast Asia.

“The ambition of the global pivotal state is reflected in the Indo-Pacific Strategy and the newly released National Security Strategy,” Yeo said.
South Korea’s recent interest in the Pacific islands was in line with its Indo-Pacific Strategy and demonstrated Seoul’s “status as a second-tier regional actor capable of sharing resources with weaker states,” Pacific Forum’s Hynd said.
“The Indo-Pacific Strategy builds on the NSP using many of the same approaches in trade, investment and people-to-people diplomacy. What has changed is the scope of the vision, which has expanded to a truly regional level, and the explicit use of some new strategic language, such as ‘Indo-Pacific’, which South Korea was previously hesitant about,” Hynd added.
Under the previous administration, Seoul practised “strategic ambiguity” aimed at striking a balance between the US, its military ally, and China, its strategic economic partner.
Further rifts with China?
South Korea’s apparent tilt towards the US strategic orbit has progressively angered China.
After Seoul unveiled its Indo-Pacific Strategy in December, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said Beijing advocated solidarity and cooperation among all countries, and opposed the establishment of exclusive cliques.
The Communist Party-controlled daily also warned that Yoon’s “overwhelming pro-US policy could become a nightmare for South Korea”.

Earlier this month, Seoul’s decision to upgrade the alliance with Washington to a “nuclear-based alliance” was met with scorn from China, which argued that deploying US nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula was a dangerous and provocative act towards China, Russia and North Korea.
“Washington and Seoul will face strategic-level retaliation which could spark another nuclear crisis in the region,” Global Times said.
Relations with China came to a boil last week after Chinese Ambassador to South Korea Xing Haiming warned Seoul against making a “wrong bet” amid the Sino-US rivalry, adding that “those who bet on China’s defeat will definitely regret it”.
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“Looking at Ambassador Xing’s attitude, it’s doubtful if he has an attitude of mutual respect or promotion of friendship as a diplomat,” Yonhap reported Yoon as saying.
Brookings’ Yeo shared this sentiment, saying the current administration appeared more resolute and confident in promoting values-based diplomacy and a rules-based international order.
Security differences have threatened to undermine bilateral efforts to improve ties since South Korea installed the Terminal High Altitude Area Defence system in 2017. Seoul said the system was aimed squarely at deterring North Korea but Beijing viewed it as a security threat, saying its radar could be used to monitor China’s military facilities.
After China undertook retaliatory measures, Korean carmaker Hyundai’s sales in the country dropped 64 per cent in the second quarter of 2017 from a year before, according to the Hyundai Research Institute, while Lotte’s supermarket sales in China fell 95 per cent over the same period.
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The “three nos” refer to Seoul agreeing that there would be no further anti-ballistic missile systems in South Korea, no joining of a region-wide US missile defence system and no military alliance involving South Korea, the US and Japan.
Pacific Forum’s Hynd said that while some South Koreans were worried that Chinese economic sanctions and coercion might be used again this time round, Beijing was more concerned about Seoul’s attitude on the Taiwan issue, particularly its role as a base for the US military.
Lee Yong-jun, a former official with South Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, warned last month that the country would inevitably be drawn into a potential war in the Taiwan Strait, so it must take steps to prepare and prevent conflict from breaking out.

