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Peter T. C. Chang
Peter T. C. Chang
Peter T.C. Chang is a research associate at the Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He is trained in the field of comparative philosophy and religion.

From the US grilling of TikTok’s CEO over his nationality to Israel’s intractability over the Gaza war, ethno-religious nationalism threatens to split our world into antagonistic civilisation enclaves.

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The recent G77 summit calling for global governance reform and South Africa’s ICJ genocide case against Israel underline developing nations’ distaste for – and willingness to act against – the Western-centric global order.

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Use of proxy conflicts to maintain US dominance betrays its core values and the trust of allies. The world wants instead an America willing to collaborate as an equal partner in a more stable international order.

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Achieving a balance between prosperity and environmental stewardship remains a formidable challenge, compounded by climate change denial. But the biggest obstacle to tackling global warming may well be our enduring hostilities with one another.

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The conflict is the outgrowth of two historical tragedies. Both sides must be persuaded to acknowledge and accept each other’s right to exist. A ruthless demolition of Gaza has the potential to turn global opinion against Israel’s very existence and damage the US’ credibility irreparably.

As a green tech powerhouse, China can accelerate the Global South’s digital transition and foster a more sustainable model of economic growth. But the West remains obsessed with China’s perceived threat.

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America’s tunnel vision on China and misreading of the Global South’s aspirations are pushing the realignment of geopolitics towards open conflict. As a result, developing nations must remain resolute in pursuing collaboration over confrontation.

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Just as the advent of the A-bomb marked humanity’s capability for self-inflicted devastation, the era of AI signals the potential for artificial intelligence to assume control over our destiny.

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The US is now fighting culture wars at home and the China bogeyman abroad, making conflict more likely. The Global South and its like-minded partners in the Global North must continue to push back and champion collaboration over confrontation.

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Far from cooperating to address AI risks, the US and China are racing to weaponise the tech, making the prospect of a catastrophic world war a clear and present danger.

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Anwar’s Malaysia Madani and Asian renaissance vision chime with Xi’s Global Civilisation Initiative and proposed community with a shared future. In an deeply divided world facing emerging threats, the men’s shared commitment is significant.

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Southeast Asia sees China as a challenge but not an existential threat like the US does. And war over Taiwan would be misguided, unjust and catastrophic. Asean and other like-minded democracies must continue to pursue peace.

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China’s investments and cultural push risk upsetting socioeconomic fragilities. It must do more than promote equitable growth and learn from Islamic culture, starting with its Muslim minority at home.

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Warm exchanges between Biden and Xi in Bali did not thaw the frosty Sino-US relationship, as Washington continues its campaign against autocracies. Yet concerns about the repercussions of this struggle are leading middleweight powers in Southeast Asia and Europe to seek a less confrontational path.

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China’s determination to share the success of its socio-economic model with the world has made it a threat in the eyes of the US Yet with rivalry sliding towards conflict, China must not lose sight of its peaceful aims.

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Though reluctant to choose sides, Asean must preserve its centrality and Indonesia’s leadership will be important. With like-minded counterparts, Asean can regalvanise the non-aligned movement into a consequential third force, espousing conciliation to mitigate US-China rivalry.

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The monotheistic world view behind the US cultural war also unites the nation in countering China’s rise and defending US hegemony. Unless Americans step back from the brink, the US risks both a violent civil uprising and a dangerous reconfiguration of the world order.

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US-China tech rivalry is compounding the risks scientific advances could pose to humankind.The two economies ought to cooperate on the world’s most pressing problems instead of engaging in competition that could leave us vulnerable to climate change, nuclear disaster and malevolent AI

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Insisting on a ‘with us or against us’ world view will leave Washington out of step with an Indo-Pacific eager for Chinese involvement and cooperation instead of confrontation.

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Beijing’s strategy may not banish political enmity and ethno-religious strife from the region, but it could bring socioeconomic relief to some war-torn countries. And for those suffering hardship, that may be a lifesaver.

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Fifty years ago, the US and China struck an improbable geopolitical truce that heralded an era of peace and prosperity. Today, with an internally divided US pushing China and Russia together, and the war in Ukraine threatening the return of a binary world order, can Biden and Xi pull off a similar feat?

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While the presidents of both countries have pledged to deal with growing inequities, the US’ capitalist ethos makes government intervention a hard sell. In contrast to the flamboyant space voyages of US billionaires, China’s wealthy have been put on notice.

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Authoritarian China has to loosen its grip to allow for a freer press. In America however, unchecked freedom has led to a crisis of authority and undermined the fourth estate’s capacity for fair and balanced reporting.

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Increasingly tense US-China relations and fractious American politics are hampering the fight against climate change and Covid-19, among other pressing issues. Restoring the US’ steady leadership, which is vital to resolving today’s global problems, requires learning to peacefully coexist with China.

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While China-made vaccines have been relegated to a secondary role in Malaysia over efficacy concerns, they are more readily available, affordable, and easier to administer, making them crucial in developing countries.

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America needs to move past its monolithic vision of a world order centred on liberal democracy and recognise the legitimacy of other governance models. The inconvenient truth is that it is not the only ‘shining city upon a hill’.

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As China’s economic and digital web continues to expand, the political establishment must adopt a more open posture. China’s political elite should overcome their reclusive impulses, open up further and make themselves better understood by an attentive yet wary world.

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The crises the US faces are the outgrowth of a peculiar American world view shaped by Christianity’s monotheistic belief system. Until Americans can move past the myth of ‘American exceptionalism’, the US is unlikely to be able to coexist peaceably with the outside world.

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Nurtured by Donald Trump, the Christian radical right – with its doomsday prophecies – threatens to bring civil war, deepen US rivalry with China and upend international relations and governance.

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With American and Chinese universities abandoning any pretence of academic impartiality, Malaysia’s neutrality could provide a base for critical scholarship and impartial research through institutions like Xiamen University Malaysia.

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