Beijing’s requirement that Hong Kong’s leaders must love the country and Hong Kong is not new, but has been emphasised now following repeated attacks on the city’s law and order. To ensure ‘one country, two systems’ continues, the SAR must choose a leader who’s trusted and capable.

Twenty-three years after the handover, Hongkongers who make a conscious decision to leave the city and, by implication, give up on Hong Kong, should be asked to make their choice – China or a foreign country.

As the West remonstrates about perceived violations of Hong Kong’s autonomy and human rights, surely China has the right to protect itself, and a vital part of its territory, even though its systems are different.

The brevity of the reference to Hong Kong in the communique after the party’s fifth plenum indicates an awakening to what is realistically achievable under ‘one country, two systems’. Above all, the city must remain stable and secure.

In the late Qing dynasty, with its highly developed farming economy, there was no incentive to innovate to meet the needs of the burgeoning population. Hong Kong, faced with rising demand for housing, persists in pursuing a high land price policy instead of thinking out of the box.

Hong Kong’s unique character has been damaged by Washington’s policy change and imposition of sanctions. This will only lead Hong Kong to turn more to the Greater Bay Area for its economic survival.

The chaos and instability unleashed by the quest for universal suffrage, the gridlock in the legislature and the government’s declining efficacy support a halt in the expansion of democracy.

The new law rolls back some curbs on Hong Kong’s law enforcement enacted just before 1997 and allows central authorities to deal with cases that a local government cannot, or where there is a major national security threat.

Hong Kong’s separate systems, grounded in common law and an independent judiciary, will survive, but Hong Kong must recognise that it is part of China, not a US-led world order.

Both the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and the liaison office were established before 1997 and so cannot be regarded as departments of the central government established after 1997 under Article 22(1) of the Basic Law.

Is more democracy the answer to Hong Kong’s problems? Democracy does not work when the executive and legislative branches are in deadlock: worryingly, some pan-democrats are threatening to block all bills if they win a majority in September.

The suggestion that Hong Kong officials could fall foul of US legislation on human rights has in itself caused reputational damage to the city. Hong Kong politicians seeking to use the legislation against enemies do a disservice to voters.

Strikes are legal under a restricted definition which the agitating medical workers could have breached. They should not pave the way for the chief executive to declare a public emergency to deal with the new coronavirus.

A study of the provisions of the new law reveals America’s intentions lie less in protecting Hong Kong freedoms than targeting China’s – and thus Hong Kong’s – rise as a serious competitor in hi-tech and economic advances.

In calmer times, the diligent provision of district services has been enough for pro-establishment district council candidates. This is no longer the case, as overall dissatisfaction in Hong Kong has led voters to reward extremist tactics.

Hong Kong had a strong connection to China during the colonial era and there was little desire for self-governance. Those saying otherwise sell a dangerous delusion at a time when many Hongkongers simply want their orderly society back.

If the protests drag on, pro-government parties may well lose big in the next district council and Legco elections. In that case, it wouldn’t be impossible for an anti-China democrat to be elected as chief executive, sparking a constitutional crisis.

Carrie Lam has gone further than her predecessors in responding to mass demonstrations and meeting protesters’ demands. Unfortunately, the chief executive does not have any power to grant a blanket amnesty or universal suffrage.

A look into previous successful commissions of inquiry show that they took place when the matter was no longer ongoing. Because Hong Kong’s protests are still raging, an ‘independent’ inquiry would be difficult; we need a radical reform agenda instead

The mishandling of the extradition bill shows that the machinery for governance is all but broken. Drastic changes in officials’ mindset, as well as policies and systems, are the only way to preserve Hong Kong’s status as a vibrant and safe city.

The government’s proposed changes to Hong Kong’s extradition laws would aid the global fight against crime, put the mainland on an equal footing to other jurisdictions the city has agreements with, and expose China to the common law system.

A deal made four decades ago, letting the company delve into property development to finance its rail lines, has evolved over the years into a poor bargain for Hong Kong people. The government has the authority to correct that.

The city’s free-market economy is stagnating, and entrepreneurs have not been creating new value. The world has changed since Hong Kong was first named the world’s freest economy and it’s time for the government to intervene more to stop the rot.

The new budget is a hodgepodge of crowd-pleasing measures and deal-making with sectoral interests. The financial secretary has failed to think through issues facing Hong Kong’s economy, education system and health sector.

Local officials should stress what the US gains by granting Hong Kong special status - like two decades of trade surpluses - rather than giving them ideas on how to end it.

China is a civilisational power for whom democracy is no easy fit, making its rivalry with the West hard to resolve. Beijing must do better at presenting its point of view while the West needs a better understanding of China’s eventful history.

The long history of the concubine system negates the argument that marriage in Chinese tradition is the union of ‘one man and one woman’. There are complex reasons behind the evolution of the Judeo-Christian concept of marriage that go beyond same-sex couples seeking equal rights.

Regina Ip says Hong Kong’s old balance of Chinese cultural traditions and Western values, like property rights and the rule of law, is coming apart due to anti-China zealots.

Hong Kong’s chief executive needs to decide where she stands because an independent judiciary, upholding individual rights over national interests, will remain at odds with Beijing and its backers here.

The main reason Hong Kong’s fellow ‘little dragon’ has surpassed it is because Singapore’s leaders, starting with Lee Kuan Yew, have shown more interest in real long-term solutions.