The violent protests over Carrie Lam’s ill-fated fugitive offenders bill, and Beijing’s subsequent strong measures to assert its overall jurisdiction have caused a sea change in Hong Kong. The next leader bears the twin responsibilities of safeguarding national security and reviving Hong Kong’s global linkages and dynamism.

The British government sees fit to criticise the national security law even as it introduces a harsh new police bill at home. As for the Sino-British Joint Declaration, London itself has gone back on its agreement with Beijing that it would not grant BN(O) status to future generations

Even with mainland support, Hong Kong will struggle to bring coronavirus infections under control if it takes a half-hearted approach to “dynamic zero-Covid”. Reluctance to pursue more stringent measures for fear of backlash will only prolong the outbreak and put many more vulnerable lives at risk.

In its search for the best governance model, China has come to prize social stability as a prerequisite for the good life. Meanwhile, Hong Kong should open its eyes to evidence that democratic elections elsewhere have not delivered the good governance people crave.

US-led criticism of Hong Kong’s Legco election should not be taken seriously when the sustainability of American’s own democratic system is in question.

The Northern Metropolis offers more promise than Lantau Tomorrow, which smacks of a Hong Kong-centric, inward-looking mindset. To seize this chance, the government needs a concrete plan and a new developmental approach to bypass complex planning regulations.

The Election Committee subsector elections next Sunday will be a far cry from the 2016 polls, in terms of electorate size. But, under new rules made by Beijing, the revamped committee will ensure the right candidates are elected to govern Hong Kong.

Hong Kong’s housing crisis has reached such a dire state that the government must stop dodging tough issues and put all options on the table. With the legislature now rid of filibustering democrats, there’s no better time for bold action.

China’s strength in mass mobilisation and organisation, which was on full display at the Communist Party’s centenary celebrations, is also apparent in its coronavirus response. It is a system that has deep historic roots and has delivered results for the people.

Former chief executive Leung Chun-ying has revived his proposal for a culture bureau. However, the government has a dismal track record of grooming new industries, with Hong Kong entertainment success stories having developed more organically.

With power concentrated in the hands of a small number of gatekeepers, will there be meaningful competition in the chief executive election? Even if pro-democracy candidates can overcome the tough entry barriers, will any want to take part in legislative elections?

Western criticism of the revamp should be dismissed as meaningless and empty. Worldwide electoral democracies are exhibiting serious flaws, and Hong Kong should not shudder at embracing new thinking.

Beijing’s requirement that Hong Kong’s leaders must love the country and Hong Kong is not new, but has been emphasised now following repeated attacks on the city’s law and order. To ensure ‘one country, two systems’ continues, the SAR must choose a leader who’s trusted and capable.

Twenty-three years after the handover, Hongkongers who make a conscious decision to leave the city and, by implication, give up on Hong Kong, should be asked to make their choice – China or a foreign country.

As the West remonstrates about perceived violations of Hong Kong’s autonomy and human rights, surely China has the right to protect itself, and a vital part of its territory, even though its systems are different.

The brevity of the reference to Hong Kong in the communique after the party’s fifth plenum indicates an awakening to what is realistically achievable under ‘one country, two systems’. Above all, the city must remain stable and secure.

In the late Qing dynasty, with its highly developed farming economy, there was no incentive to innovate to meet the needs of the burgeoning population. Hong Kong, faced with rising demand for housing, persists in pursuing a high land price policy instead of thinking out of the box.

Hong Kong’s unique character has been damaged by Washington’s policy change and imposition of sanctions. This will only lead Hong Kong to turn more to the Greater Bay Area for its economic survival.

The chaos and instability unleashed by the quest for universal suffrage, the gridlock in the legislature and the government’s declining efficacy support a halt in the expansion of democracy.

The new law rolls back some curbs on Hong Kong’s law enforcement enacted just before 1997 and allows central authorities to deal with cases that a local government cannot, or where there is a major national security threat.

Hong Kong’s separate systems, grounded in common law and an independent judiciary, will survive, but Hong Kong must recognise that it is part of China, not a US-led world order.

Both the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and the liaison office were established before 1997 and so cannot be regarded as departments of the central government established after 1997 under Article 22(1) of the Basic Law.

Is more democracy the answer to Hong Kong’s problems? Democracy does not work when the executive and legislative branches are in deadlock: worryingly, some pan-democrats are threatening to block all bills if they win a majority in September.

The suggestion that Hong Kong officials could fall foul of US legislation on human rights has in itself caused reputational damage to the city. Hong Kong politicians seeking to use the legislation against enemies do a disservice to voters.

Strikes are legal under a restricted definition which the agitating medical workers could have breached. They should not pave the way for the chief executive to declare a public emergency to deal with the new coronavirus.

A study of the provisions of the new law reveals America’s intentions lie less in protecting Hong Kong freedoms than targeting China’s – and thus Hong Kong’s – rise as a serious competitor in hi-tech and economic advances.

In calmer times, the diligent provision of district services has been enough for pro-establishment district council candidates. This is no longer the case, as overall dissatisfaction in Hong Kong has led voters to reward extremist tactics.

Hong Kong had a strong connection to China during the colonial era and there was little desire for self-governance. Those saying otherwise sell a dangerous delusion at a time when many Hongkongers simply want their orderly society back.

If the protests drag on, pro-government parties may well lose big in the next district council and Legco elections. In that case, it wouldn’t be impossible for an anti-China democrat to be elected as chief executive, sparking a constitutional crisis.

Carrie Lam has gone further than her predecessors in responding to mass demonstrations and meeting protesters’ demands. Unfortunately, the chief executive does not have any power to grant a blanket amnesty or universal suffrage.