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Hong Kong protests
OpinionLetters

Letters | Hong Kong protesters and Carrie Lam must abandon their ‘non-starter’ positions to end the crisis

  • There is middle ground to be found between the government’s insistence that the IPCC is fit to look into the protests and protesters’ demand for an independent inquiry. Instead of “five demands, no less”, protesters must champion “never say no”

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A protester, who supports non-violent action, holds a sign saying, “Holding out till the end for the five demands” at a rally on August 18. Photo: Handout
Letters
The government’s announced withdrawal of the extradition bill is, by general consensus, too little too late. The government’s proposed dialogue sessions are seen as non-responsive delaying tactics. So what’s next? Below are my politically neutral suggestions.
First, on an independent inquiry, the two non-starter positions are the government’s insistence that only the Independent Police Complaints Council (IPCC) is fit for the job and the protesters’ persistent demand for an independent commission of inquiry.

Alternatives that can help start a negotiation do exist. For example, the IPCC’s findings could subsequently be subject to an independent panel’s review and verification. Another option is that the IPCC could investigate citizens’ complaints and a separate panel could look into complaints unexamined by the IPCC, provided the IPCC and the panel can cross-check each other’s findings.

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Second, on the characterisation of the protests, the government should formally state that it has not characterised all protests as riots since July, that it has not called all protesters rioters, and that all suspects will be charged in accordance with the law. The government’s failure to adequately explain this reflects political insensitivity and limited skills.
Third, an amnesty for all protest-related arrests is unworkable because black shirts, white shirts and blue shirts would all go free. Allegations of criminal activity must be investigated in a timely manner, leading to indictments when supported by sufficient evidence. Dubious charges, however, must be dropped quickly, in accordance with the due process of the law.
Fourth, the election reform process should immediately resume in accordance with the Basic Law. It could begin with a menu of possible paths, each of which would be screened for feasibility. While a path may be initially seen as unfeasible, the process could, at the very least, identify the factors impeding its implementation and formulate possible circumvention. The process will admittedly be long and challenging. But to do nothing is not an option.
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