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Hong Kong politics
OpinionLetters

LettersHong Kong’s political gridlock is the result of a lack of democracy

  • The city’s chaos has been blamed on the thirst for democracy, when it is the lack of universal suffrage that has left Hong Kong predisposed to political dysfunction

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Pro-Beijing lawmakers pose for the customary group photo at the close of the 2016-2020 legislative term, in the Legislative Council chamber on July 17. For the first time since the 1997 handover, opposing lawmakers refused to come together for the ceremonial photo. All lawmakers may continue in office for an extra year, as the election was postponed due to Covid-19. Photo: Dickson Lee
Letters
I am writing in response to Regina Ip’s opinion piece on August 16, supporting the continued deprivation of electoral democracy for the people of Hong Kong (“Why Hong Kong does not need more democracy right now”).
Mrs Ip blames the city’s “chaos and instability” on the people’s thirst for universal suffrage, and cites the gridlock in the Legislative Council. Rather, it is obvious that the gridlock is caused by the lack of universal suffrage, resulting in a contorted legislature.
The opposition has attempted to work peacefully with the government since the handover, but the lack of political progress has over time put the more agreeable pan-democrat legislators under pressure, while more radical legislators have started to gather steam as the electorate starts to hold the pan-democrat camp to account.

In fact, radicalism is growing on both sides. It shows how dysfunctional Hong Kong’s political system has become, which is disagreeable to both sides.

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Speaking of accountability, the decline in government efficacy is the result of a gerrymandered and fixed legislature, which gives the government repeated free passes for its muck-ups, when such fiascos would have warranted motions of no confidence and cabinet dissolutions in functioning democracies. It was not the opposition that filled the city’s top posts with inept political appointees.

True accountability in the legislature would mean greater pressure on the government to do better, while a meaningful and popular election for the executive’s office would provide the chief executive the mandate needed to get things done.

The natural reaction to being choked is to hit back
Mrs Ip alludes to the recent pan-democrat primary as a sign of growing militancy and radicalism. It is regrettable that someone as experienced in governance as Mrs Ip would not recognise this as a symptom reflecting the failure of Beijing’s iron-fisted approach.
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