China cannot just rely on its economic might to silence the growing army of critics
- From the Hong Kong protests to the treatment of Uygurs in Xinjiang, China’s international image has been severely dented this year. It must work to repair the damage through persuasion and co-option, not just by leaning on its economic stature
This will be remembered by many as the year that China did near-irreparable damage to its international reputation and image.
Chinese leaders and policymakers have generally understood that China’s gradual rise to international prominence would bring with it challenges, especially regarding the perceptions of others. To allay the fears of outsiders about its rise, China has, for the past decade or so, attempted a multipronged charm offensive aimed at the rest of the world.
Billions were spent on soft-power initiatives such as the Beijing Olympics, promotional videos, media expansion and the proliferation of Confucius Institutes across the globe. Diplomatic efforts went beyond traditional forms and included an emphasis on “sister city” partnerships between Chinese and other cities.
In more recent years, China has even sought to become something of a defender of globalisation, spearheading new institutions like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and new economic programmes like the Belt and Road Initiative.
A big gripe in China is that it has never been given a fair chance by the West to demonstrate its envisaged international role and has been treated with double standards.
China has some legitimate points here. Its rise has often been viewed through a Western-centric lens which associates any emerging international behemoth with suspicion and fear. Furthermore, latent Sinophobia has at times reared its head.
But, in recent years, much of blame lies with China itself. The ongoing Hong Kong crisis has been a source of tremendous negative PR for China, even though Beijing’s handling of the situation so far has been quite patient and reserved, certainly much more than many in the West expected.
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And it is not just Hong Kong, China has been pressuring foreign companies or entities that deviate from their narrative on topics such as Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet.
The capitulation of Western companies to Chinese demands demonstrates China’s useful market power and how it can be used to get its way. But, at the same time, there are costs to wielding this power.
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Despite the damage done to China’s international reputation in 2019, the situation is not irreparable. But, as it stands, China is not doing much to reverse this negative soft-power trend.
Other than employing some sophisticated strategies to counter the sources of bad press, China is ultimately relying on the draw of its market to quell these scandals. While it might work in the short term – because money still speaks – continued knee-jerk reactions to outsider opinions will breed further cynicism externally.
Ultimately, if China is to fulfil its desire of securing a prime position in a newer, more equal international order, it is through co-option, not coercion, that it will be most successful.
Nicholas Ross Smith is an assistant professor of international studies at the University of Nottingham Ningbo China. Tracey Fallon is an assistant professor of China studies at the University of Nottingham Ningbo China