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Afghanistan: All stories
Opinion
David Dodwell

Outside In | Why a post-US Afghanistan poses a litmus test for China as a military power

  • If China, as viewed by the US, is an aggressive power with an offensive agenda, it will be sucked into the Afghan mess. If it truly is a defensive power, it will resist the temptation

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US soldiers in Soltan Khel, Afghanistan, in 2013. The US assumes China has aggressive, expansionist intent and expects it to be the next hegemon to be embroiled in Afghanistan. Photo: TNS

Whether because of hubris or naiveties, it seems there are some lessons global hegemons rarely learn. One is that certain corners of the world not for taking – like Afghanistan.

As President Joe Biden ends a forlorn 20-year effort at nation-building, the United States joins a line of aspiring conquerors and peacemakers that stretches back centuries. Hearts can only bleed for the modernising Afghans left behind, in particular their women and those seen to have assisted American occupying forces, as the Taliban wreak havoc, provide safe haven to Islamic extremists, and weave around a tribal mosaic that has made Afghanistan ungovernable for a millennium.

Before Biden, the Russians suffered a similar humbling Afghan fate, along with British colonial forces, Tamerlane, the Moghuls and Genghis Khan. Even before the last Americans are airlifted out, speculation has begun on how long the Afghan government will survive, and which naive hegemon will next be sucked in.

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Thousands of Afghans flee as UN warns of 'unprecedented' civilian deaths from Taliban offensives

Thousands of Afghans flee as UN warns of 'unprecedented' civilian deaths from Taliban offensives
The US consensus – from the Defence Department and Council on Foreign Relations to leading academics such as John Mearsheimer and Graham Allison – would be China, which has swiftly deepening economic and strategic interests in the region, and which, from a US perspective, is set for conflict with the West.
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Despite the intellectual weight and experience of this view, I believe this consensus is mistaken. Just because the US assumes China has aggressive, expansionist intent does not mean this is so.

Just as likely is a sensible defensive strategy that seeks global economic engagement, better livelihoods for Chinese people and domestic security after a dismal century of humiliating occupation by Western colonisers.

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If, like Mearsheimer, you believe aggression is inevitable, there can be little doubt that China’s Belt and Road infrastructure-building strategy is a covert bid to build soft power and extend control.

Yet China’s strategy can equally plausibly help to stabilise and build the economies of neighbouring countries, providing China with more domestic security and wealthier neighbours with which to invest and trade.

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