In their recent meeting in Beijing, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim reaffirmed the strong ties between their countries. Importantly, both leaders appear to share a mission to build civilisational bonds in an increasingly fragmented world – a crucial endeavour with far-reaching consequences for how humanity deals with the challenges confronting the 21st century.
Anwar’s Malaysia Madani vision aims to, among other things, promote an inclusive, pluralistic Malaysia, an objective his predecessors also reached for. But, unlike them, Anwar had waited nearly a quarter of a century for the opportunity to lead the country. For his supporters, this is a moment of destiny, where the reformist leader could finally realise a truly united Malaysia.
In his 1996 book, The Asian Renaissance, Anwar espoused a vision of Asia’s great philosophical and religious traditions uniting to promote the common good. As a moderate Muslim leader, he engaged in inter-civilisational dialogue with Confucian ideas, and sought to build bridges between East and West. In Anwar’s sanguine world view, humanity possesses an inherent spirit of resilience and determination to pursue the greater good.
Meanwhile, China has risen to reclaim its place on the global stage. In 2013, to articulate China’s aspirations as a major world power, Xi introduced the concept of a community with a shared future, a vision where nations engage with each other as equals in pursuit of common prosperity.
A deep faith in the potential of humanity underpins the world view shared by Xi and Anwar. At their recent meeting, they agreed to collaborate in their civilisational endeavours, citing Xi’s recent proposal, the Global Civilisation Initiative.
Xi’s presidency is also characterised by a sense of historic significance as he embarks on an unprecedented third term that is expected to have an extensive impact on China and the world. Last month, Xi played a critical role in moderating a rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran that is likely to have far-reaching consequences on the Middle East and broader Islamic world.
President Xi Jinping is warmly greeted on his arrival in Riyadh by key members of the Saudi royal family and senior government officials, at the King Khalid International Airport on December 7. Photo: Xinhua
But in the West, China’s rise is perceived as a threat, as it has become locked in a tense rivalry with the United States. The critical American response to China is shaped by two influential theses published around the same time as The Asian Renaissance.
In 1992, Francis Fukuyama famously proclaimed in his book, The End of Historyand the Last Man, that liberal democracy was the ultimate form of governance. Since then, China’s retention of a one-party state has been seen as a challenge to the free world. Then, in 1996, Samuel Huntington warned in his book, The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order, that conflict would arise along cultural lines. As a result, the US-China rivalry is often portrayed as a clash between the Christian West and Confucian East.
So, while The Asian Renaissance envisioned coexistence, the dominant ideologies in the West were geared towards guarding against inter-civilisational confrontation and conflict. That said, Anwar’s vision of an inclusive community has also faced resistance in Asia, including at home in Malaysia.
Anwar’s progressive ideas have stirred up trepidation among those in Malaysia who view them as a threat to their Islamic way of life, even as former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad continues to repeat his long-standing concerns over the challenges facing the Malay community.
Malaysia’s self-identity cannot seem to escape being framed in terms of religion and race. To actualise his Malaysia Madani vision, Anwar has to address the concerns and allay the anxieties raised by the “green wave” led by the Islamist party PAS and Mahathir’s “Malay dilemma”.
02:59
From prison to Malaysia’s new leader: Anwar Ibrahim appointed to top seat
From prison to Malaysia’s new leader: Anwar Ibrahim appointed to top seat
The tense US-China rivalry and Malaysia’s domestic challenges underscore the uphill struggle Xi and Anwar face in bringing to fruition their respective visions.
There is a growing wave of ethno-religious nationalism sweeping across the globe. In Europe, right-leaning governments are gaining momentum on the back of anti-immigration sentiment. In the US, there is a movement among Christian nationalists to return the country to its religious roots, even as Washington shifts towards economic nationalism to protect America’s manufacturing base from the fallout of globalisation.
The world is in a precarious position: humanity’s fate is ever more intertwined, yet fear and mistrust are driving us apart. This compromises not only our response to future pandemics and the environmental crisis, but also to emerging risks like those posed by artificial intelligence.
The 21st century is entering an era of monumental change, with the fourth industrial revolution expected to radically reshape human societies. But technology such as AI could also unleash destructive forces. The global scientific community must work together to harness the benefits and mitigate the risks. Yet, the US-China tech war makes this prospect seem uncertain.
At their meeting, Xi and Anwar reaffirmed the robust relationship between China and Malaysia. But what is perhaps more significant is their shared commitment to build trust between civilisations in an increasingly fragmented world. This is critical because of the far-reaching consequences of these efforts. What is at stake is the fate of humanity.
The world is on the brink of a transformative era, full of both unprecedented opportunities and risk. Yet, we face this historic moment as a deeply divided world. More than ever, the global community must overcome the spectre of conflict and embrace the promises of coexistence. Succumbing to fear at the expense of hope would leave humankind vulnerable to the daunting challenges that lie ahead in the 21st century.
Peter T.C. Chang is deputy director of the Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
