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US-China relations
Opinion
David Dodwell

Inside Out | G7 priorities on Ukraine war and China will face pushback from Global South

  • G7 efforts to set the international agenda for how to resolve the Ukraine crisis will be complicated by voices from South Africa to Brazil
  • Meanwhile, US criticism of China’s ‘economic coercion’ rings hollow given that this behaviour is hardly unique to Beijing. Diplomats call it ‘economic statecraft’

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US President Joe Biden shakes hands with South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol as Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida watches, ahead of a trilateral meeting on the sidelines of the G7 summit in Hiroshima on May 21. The summit has focused on Ukraine, as well as China. Photo: AP
Most international media attention has over the past weekend been focused on the G7 summit in Hiroshima, Japan – what Jake Sullivan, US national security adviser, has called “the steering committee of the free world”.
But for those sensitive to the fast-evolving multipolar world, two other major meetings provided a fascinating counterpoint: the 22 members of the Arab League being hosted by Saudi Arabia, and the first China-Central Asia Summit in Xian. Until recently, such meetings would have passed unnoticed. But that is no longer so.

For US President Joe Biden, the exclusive G7 grouping – comprising Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States – has assumed critical importance, despite its awkward “rich country” credentials; it is what one European diplomat has called “the workhorse of Western cooperation”, whose shared concern is to defend the “free and open international order”.

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Of course, its primary focus has been Ukraine and reinforcing sanctions against Russia. But not far behind is what the “Washington consensus” believes is the existential threat to world order – China. Here, the US is striving to build agreement around the “national security” threat from China, and to galvanise its closest allies against Beijing’s “economic coercion”.

These G7 agenda priorities – and the less noticed Jeddah and Xian meetings – provide a glimpse into the economic and strategic fragmentation that is developing as an increasingly multipolar world begins to supplant the unipolar hegemony that has since the creation of the post-war Bretton Woods institutions enabled the United States to set the rules for international political and economic relations.

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First, Ukraine. The crisis created by Russia’s inexcusable invasion of Ukraine has evolved as a proxy for this fragmentation. While there is agreement on the tragic consequences for Ukraine and its people, and on the urgent need for an end to the conflict, there has been pushback against the Western narrative of an evil Russian President Vladimir Putin who must at all costs be defeated.

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