The chaos in Hong Kong comes as the US-China relationship wanders into dangerous territory. It is now believed in Washington that Beijing can do no right because the Communist Party can only do wrong.

Asian neighbours admire Australia and are grateful for its aid over the years, but they also get turned off by its smug sense of superiority. Some don’t tremble at the mere mention of China and even admire the rise of a Chinese/Asian superpower.

Paranoia about a rising China is unwarranted. Yet Beijing should also check its impulse to press its advantage over the self-ruled island. Neither side wants war, and many Taiwanese just want to keep the status quo.

Hongkongers will not stand for the routine style of mainland governance. There is enough flexibility in the ‘one country, two systems’ model for peaceful relations, as long as the central government can loosen its grip on Hong Kong.

Hongkongers and Americans are right to see recent actions on extradition and immigration as betrayals of principle, and their protests show how they will respond to a government that oversteps the mark.

To this day, o one has nailed down precisely what happened between protesters and government troops in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Yet the rumour mill grinds away and disputed memories continue to poison China-US relations.

The Vatican’s chief negotiator in China has spoken of how building trust between the two sides involves avoiding doctrinal positions in favour of solving practical problems. China and the US might take a leaf out of the cardinal’s book.

The mother of Yusi Zhao was willing to pay any price – US$6.5 million in this case – to see her daughter get an education of value. Let’s be real: it’s a mother’s nature to go to great lengths for her children, and universities need extra funding to thrive.

More than ever, the world needs scholars who offer good thinking and writing about China, from Kishore Mahbubani to Hugh White to China’s Central Party School professors. Scholarship can buffer US-China tensions before they get out of hand.

The US Committee on the Present Danger focusing on China misreads the Communist Party’s intentions. While China will seek to dominate transnational sectors it sees as essential to its survival, conquering the world would be too much trouble.

Over time, the issue of intellectual property protection is being addressed by the US and China, and a trade deal might materialise soon. In dealing with Beijing, both Americans and Europeans need to take a forward-looking approach.

The need to fend off a gathering movement at home to impeach him will no doubt distract the already easily distracted Trump from matters of global concern, whether it is a denuclearisation deal with North Korea or trade deal with China.

China’s path to economic development, despite a rigid political system, has been successfully replicated in Vietnam and could be a model for North Korea to follow too.

Beijing’s tighter control and scepticism of Western ideas – like capitalism – have sadly coincided with a new US anti-socialism which seems opposed to government itself.

China’s vice-president made it a point in his Davos speech to stress Beijing’s commitment to taking a pragmatic approach in problem-solving – welcome words that should help ease tense US-China relations.

Tom Plate says instead of escalating cross-strait tension, Beijing and Taiwan should focus on coming to an agreement on the ‘1992 consensus’ and working towards a settlement in time for the end of Mao Zedong’s 100-year waiting period.

For the sake of better China-US relations in 2019 (and his blood pressure), some of the irritants in the relationship, such as those who engage in warmongering and grandstanding, should be called out for their behaviour.

Chinese students’ opportunity to learn from and with their US counterparts at universities has been disrupted by nationalist demands from both governments.

Beijing needs the help of its think tanks to amend the policies and practices that are unfair to its trading partners, including the US, and this means allowing its scholars the freedom to explore ideas and solutions.

The leaders of China and the US seem to be making policy moves based not on what’s best for their countries, but on how they can run down their predecessors. Both governments should be humble and remember to put the people first.

The US midterm elections will have implications for Donald Trump, and his China policy. At the end of the day, modesty may be the best policy for both the US and China

Hong Kong is so precious to China that it tends to overreact to anyone who adds to societal tension in the city. However, China needs to remember the importance of ‘one country, two systems’ to its other hopes of unification.

South Korean’s President Moon Jae-in is carrying on with the work of reconciliation with the North almost alone, because China and the US seem to have more to gain from a divided Korean peninsula.

While Beijing may have once appreciated the long-lived Malaysian prime minister’s straight talking, China’s leaders may have less taste for it now that they – and not the US or IMF – are the targets of his criticism.

A three-dimensional view of China rather than stereotypical and simplistic thinking is needed to break the current impasse in US-China relations.

The recent controversy over how international airlines should list Taiwan’s airport demonstrates how the US stokes fear of China, insisting that everyone, including airline companies, embrace the idea of China as the villain.