China’s increasing move towards authoritarian rule under Xi Jinping makes the country even more vulnerable to the outbreak of epidemics.

The Covid-19 epidemic is disrupting the global economy, supply chains and diplomatic events. Beijing likes to say that any event within its jurisdiction is an internal affair, but that clearly doesn’t apply in this case.

Economically speaking, Covid-19 is far more deadly than 2003’s Sars. This time around, a worst-case scenario threatens financial collapse, foreign exodus and large-scale bankruptcy.

Authoritarianism has made this outbreak worse, not better. The state’s strength in controlling information and suppressing dissent is a weakness in fighting disease.

The interim accord does not address the rapid deterioration in Sino-US relations, amid their increasing divergence in geopolitics, strategic goals and ideologies.

Beijing’s pressure on Taipei gave the Democratic Progressive Party a boost in the island’s polls, on its way to a landslide victory over the Kuomintang.

High-profile summits between Kim and Trump have ended in failure, with Pyongyang lifting its moratorium on nuclear testing. China, an acknowledged partner of influence in the region, should embrace its role as peacemaker.

Beijing and Moscow have stood by Tehran in the face of Washington’s belligerence. Now they must decide: how true a friend is Iran, really

The three countries have a complicated rivalry over war history and territorial claims, but economic cooperation remains their biggest bond.

China’s trade and tariff war with the US is its biggest economic threat with growth now expected to slip below the psychologically important 6 per cent figure. Yet the possibility of comprehensive US-China trade deals also underpins Beijing’s hopes of returning to sustainable growth.

Beijing’s recent decision to remove a statement about academic freedom sparked protests at Fudan University – and they had a point.

The trade talks have always been a one-way avenue – a deal between what the US wants and what China can give.

Decoupling has started but the signing of a phase-one US-China trade deal holds out hope that Washington is not ready to fully unfurl protectionism even as Beijing is unprepared for complete self-reliance.

The bickering by Macron and Trump distracted from the real development at Nato’s UK summit: a focus on Beijing’s growing military clout.

Rhetoric over the taxes suggests they have become the main stumbling block in trade talks, but America should know a double-edged sword has ramifications.

Already grappling with its own deleveraging campaign, rising inflation and an ageing population, China is reeling from US tariffs that strike at the heart of an economy whose explosive growth was grounded in free trade and globalisation.

Why fear not making good that pledge about doubling the size of the economy when the figures can simply be massaged into place?

As the marriage of convenience between the emerging economies enters a second decade, money problems and diverging ambitions threaten to dissolve its relevance.

The end of the cold war failed to reshape China, which used the free market and technology to build a prosperous surveillance state. Now, a US-led coalition of democracies are ranged against China in a new cold war.

Rising pork prices have put the spotlight on a rise in consumer inflation. But the bigger picture is one of waning demand and slowing economic activity. 

In differentiating the Communist Party from the Chinese people, Pompeo has escalated the US-China struggle. His words are not propaganda, but cold, hard policy.

An interim trade deal may help both sides alleviate the pain of the tariff war for now, but it provides no incentive for a more comprehensive arrangement. The truth is the gap is getting ever wider – putting both peace and growth at risk 

Geopolitical tensions and rising protectionism are pushing global uncertainty indices to, or near to, record highs, leaving world economic growth and trade teetering on a knife edge.

Free-market reform and opening up its economy are the two most critical and interconnected issues as Beijing looks to its future development.

Washington offered one concession – deferring the October 15 tariff hikes – while Beijing backed down on US farm purchases, IP and tech transfers, financial market liberalisation, exchange-rate regime reform and an enforcement mechanism.

Beijing’s big spending on soft power will have little effect if it sticks to hard power foreign policies. 

The sheer amount of weaponry on display has undermined Beijing’s efforts to improve relations internationally, and could spark an arms race among its regional rivals.

China hopes its strong-arm tactics will persuade Taiwan to spurn President Tsai Ing-wen, but the assertive approach could backfire and eventually lead to a stronger push for statehood.

A double whammy of the African swine fever outbreak and an attack on oil facilities in Saudi Arabia, a major oil supplier for China, could send prices of both vital commodities soaring at a vulnerable time for the Chinese economy.

Look beyond the goose-stepping troops and nuclear missiles of China’s National Day parade, however, and it is clear the Communist Party has its work cut out for it to make the country a true superpower.